Bryce takes on popular misconceptions about energy policies in order to dismiss them systematically. He writes from a centrist-to-libertarian political bent. He encounters the usual alleged panaceas such as ethanol.
This is a first-rate analysis documenting the folly of ethanol. Obama is one of many who claim that the U.S. can down the "path of energy independence" (p. 4). This is not true. America's dependence on foreign minerals extends to more elements than just oil, but you would never know it from the rhetoric of Obama (p. 16). What Obama has been savvy to exploit, is another point: guilt (p. 20). Obama is relentless on this one point and realizes that many Americans feel deeply conflicted--guilty--about their use of oil. Yet, since 2006 it has been China that has exploited the mineral and expended more fossil fuels than the U.S. The Chinese are not feeling guilty and would rather use anything they need as their economy expands. Burgeoning oil exploitation translates into a growing economy and the Chinese know it.
Obama compounds his error by coupling America security needs with the false promise that by decreasing the importation of foreign oil we will be more secure (p. 52). We can not stop terrorism by curtailing imports, as if we could, and Obama exploits this popular misconception of American foreign policy.
One of the more unique aspects of Obama's false promises are his protectionist points, particularly in regards to ethanol (p. 157). As a product of one of corn's biggest states, Illinois, Obama has been particularly chummy with the ethanol lobby. Early on, Obama used the corporate jets of "Illinois-based agribusiness giant ADM, America's biggest ethanol producer" (p. 158). Obama has been instrumental in the admonition that the U.S. must regress to an earlier "carbohydrate=based society" pp. 158). However, make no mistake: "hydrocarbons were a critical ingredient in making the U.S. into one of the most prosperous countries on earth" (p. 159). Obama views American prosperity as an important component of the problem.
One of Obama's failed attempts to retard American growth, helpfully killed on the Senate floor, was the "Coal-To-Liquid Fuel Promotion Act of 2006" that lacked any sort of profit that American companies could benefit from (p. 213-214).
Saner heads need to prevail in the contemporary debates about American oil policy than Obama's.
Bryce's solutions are not articulated persuasively enough and after deftly dismissing common misunderstandings of current oil policies simplistically repeats free-market credos as opposed to necessary hard-boiled answers. As a result, the conclusions that he draws is weaker than the analysis and summary of the slogan "energy independence."
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This is a first-rate analysis documenting the folly of ethanol. Obama is one of many who claim that the U.S. can down the "path of energy independence" (p. 4). This is not true. America's dependence on foreign minerals extends to more elements than just oil, but you would never know it from the rhetoric of Obama (p. 16). What Obama has been savvy to exploit, is another point: guilt (p. 20). Obama is relentless on this one point and realizes that many Americans feel deeply conflicted--guilty--about their use of oil. Yet, since 2006 it has been China that has exploited the mineral and expended more fossil fuels than the U.S. The Chinese are not feeling guilty and would rather use anything they need as their economy expands. Burgeoning oil exploitation translates into a growing economy and the Chinese know it.
Obama compounds his error by coupling America security needs with the false promise that by decreasing the importation of foreign oil we will be more secure (p. 52). We can not stop terrorism by curtailing imports, as if we could, and Obama exploits this popular misconception of American foreign policy.
One of the more unique aspects of Obama's false promises are his protectionist points, particularly in regards to ethanol (p. 157). As a product of one of corn's biggest states, Illinois, Obama has been particularly chummy with the ethanol lobby. Early on, Obama used the corporate jets of "Illinois-based agribusiness giant ADM, America's biggest ethanol producer" (p. 158). Obama has been instrumental in the admonition that the U.S. must regress to an earlier "carbohydrate=based society" pp. 158). However, make no mistake: "hydrocarbons were a critical ingredient in making the U.S. into one of the most prosperous countries on earth" (p. 159). Obama views American prosperity as an important component of the problem.
One of Obama's failed attempts to retard American growth, helpfully killed on the Senate floor, was the "Coal-To-Liquid Fuel Promotion Act of 2006" that lacked any sort of profit that American companies could benefit from (p. 213-214).
Saner heads need to prevail in the contemporary debates about American oil policy than Obama's.
Bryce's solutions are not articulated persuasively enough and after deftly dismissing common misunderstandings of current oil policies simplistically repeats free-market credos as opposed to necessary hard-boiled answers. As a result, the conclusions that he draws is weaker than the analysis and summary of the slogan "energy independence."