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The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: The Will to Knowledge (An Introduction) by Michel Foucault
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The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: The Will to Knowledge (An…

by Michel Foucault

Series: The History of Sexuality (1)

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A provocative tesis which challenges standard interpretation of modern sexual history
  HanoarHatzioni | Jun 9, 2009 |
This is a perfect example of the kind of writing characterised by Clive James as prose that ‘scorns the earth for fear of a puncture’. Foucault may be able to think – it's not easy to tell – but he certainly can't write.

Everywhere there is an apparent desire to render a simple thought impenetrable. When he wants to suggest that the modern world has imposed on us a great variety in the ways we talk about sex, he must refer to ‘a regulated and polymorphous incitement to discourse’. When he advances the theory that the nineteenth century focused less on marriage than on other sexual practices, he talks about ‘a centrifugal movement with respect to heterosexual monogamy’. When there is only one of something he calls it ‘markedly unitary’.

It almost becomes funny, except that it tells us something about how loosely his ideas are rooted in reality. Some people seem to think that complex prose must conceal a profundity of thought, but good readers and writers know that the reverse is usually the case. A thought which is impenetrable is not easily rebutted, and so it may only seem correct by default.

For example, Foucault has the following idea: that talking more about sex is really an attempt to get rid of any sexual activity that isn't focused on having children. It wouldn't be hard to pick holes in that argument, partly because it uses terms we all immediately understand and which we can very quickly relate to reality. But Foucault puts the theory like this:

For was this transformation of sex into discourse not governed by the endeavour to expel from reality the forms of sexuality that were not amenable to the strict economy of reproduction [...]?

And you'll see from the square brackets that I've left half the sentence out! Here the argument is harder to refute, not because it's any stronger, but because it takes some effort to work out what the fucking hell the man is talking about.

Where he cannot think of a roundabout way of saying something, Foucault instead opts for words which might at least slow his readers down a bit, like erethism. And if no suitably obscure word is at hand, he simply makes one up, so we get a lot of these ugly formations which the postmodernists seem to love, such as discursivity, genitality, or pedagogization.

Here I should point out that from what I can tell, all of this complexity exists in the original French, and is not simply a fault in the translator (Robert Hurley, in my edition). In fact sometimes Rob helps us out a bit, such as when he translates the typical Foucaultism étatisation as the more helpful phrase ‘unrestricted state control’. But there's only so much he can do. If he'd put all of Foucault's prose into natural English the book would be a quarter of the size.

On the few occasions when he does deign to explain himself, he only makes matters worse. After several pages in which he makes much confusing use of the word ‘power’, he finally defines this vague term as

the multiplicity of force relations immanent in the sphere in which they operate and which constitute their own organization; as the process which, through ceaseless struggles and confrontations, transforms, strengthens, or reverses them; as the support which these force relations find in one another, thus forming a chain or a system, or on the contrary, the disjunctions and contradictions which isolate them from one another; and lastly, as the strategies in which they take effect, whose general design or institutional crystallization is embodied in the state apparatus, in the formulation of the law, in the various social hegemonies.

My point is not that Foucault makes the reader do unnecessary work, although that's certainly an inexcusable flaw in anyone who wants their view to be taken seriously: a reader should be working to engage with an argument, not having to rewrite the whole damn thing in his head as he goes along. No, my point is that Foucault not only confuses the reader, he confuses himself. Having decided, as a mathematician decides that x equals four, that ‘power’ equals a whole range of ‘force relations’, he then combines it with other comparably dense terms and juggles them around and puts them together until you have to at least suspect that the underlying reality has been lost to Foucault as well as to us.

Evidence of his own confusion therefore seems built into the texture of his sentences. He calls the family unit, for instance, ‘a complicated network, saturated with multiple, fragmentary, and mobile sexualities’. The idea of multiple sexualities is fairly clear: an assertion that, for example, homosexuality and paedophilia play their part in family life along with heterosexuality. He offers no evidence for it, but at least it is a proposition we can examine. But what about fragmentary sexualities? What on earth is a fragmentary sexuality? Perhaps one which is in some way both hetero and homo? How does a fragmentary sexuality manifest itself in terms of behaviour or desire? There are no answers. And then we also have the ‘mobile sexualities’, which sounds like some kind of wonderful bus service but which presumably we are meant to understand as sexual feelings that keep changing. To deal with any one of these ideas is problematic. To deal simultaneously with all three, and then to imagine such concepts ‘saturating’ a ‘network’, is just not a serious argument – it's a huge act of intellectual masturbation.

Anyone can play this game. The opposing view to Foucault's is the traditional idea that the Victorians were frightened and offended by their sexual feelings, and that consequently their society worked to repress sex. But if we wanted to protect the argument from attack we could easily rephrase it and say that the dominant narrative of Victorian social constructs was characterised by a repressive power projection whose motus was the twin stimuli of (psycho)logical terror and physiological disgust. This is harder to argue against, because it has less meaning. Similarly many of Foucault's arguments are, to paraphrase Wolfgang Pauli, so badly expressed that not only are they not right, they're not even wrong.
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5 vote Widsith | Nov 19, 2008 |
A very diffcult book, very complex writing. I am not sure I understood Mr. Foucault's thesis. It seems that he is showing the relationship between sex and power, not power on in a personal relationship but power in a larger politcial sense. What was an interesting idea, is that Foucault believes we, believe if we under sexuality we would understand existance at a deeper level. I do agree with that idea. ( )
  michaelbartley | Aug 3, 2008 |
Foucault's genaealogical examination of human sexuality.
1 vote Fledgist | Nov 23, 2007 |
Foucault argues that modern western society in its constant talking about repression of sex is actually perpetually indulging itself in a sexual discussion. ( )
  AlexTheHunn | May 13, 2006 |
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Canonical titleThe History of Sexuality, Volume 1: The Will to Knowledge (An Introduction)
Original publication date1976, 1978 (English: Hurley)
SeriesThe History of Sexuality (1)
DescriptionQuesto volume apre una serie di studi che non pretendono essere continui, né esaustivi; si tratterà di qualche sondaggio in un territorio complesso. I volumi successivi sono indicati solo a titolo provvisorio. Il mio sogno ... (show all)
Book description
Questo volume apre una serie di studi che non pretendono essere continui, né esaustivi; si tratterà di qualche sondaggio in un territorio complesso. I volumi successivi sono indicati solo a titolo provvisorio. Il mio sogno sarebbe un lavoro di lungo respiro, capace di correggersi man mano che si sviluppa, aperto alle reazioni che suscita, alle congiunture che gli toccherà d'incontrare, e forse ad ipotesi nuove. Lo vorrei un lavoro disperso e mutevole.
I lettori che si aspettassero di apprendere in che modo per secoli la gente ha fatto l'amore, o come le è stato vietato di farlo - problema serio, importante, difficile - rischiano di restare delusi. Non ho voluto fare una storia dei comportamenti sessuali nelle società occidentali, ma trattare un problema molto piú austero e circoscritto: in che modo questi comportamenti sono diventati oggetti di sapere? Come, cioè per quali vie e per quali ragioni, si è organizzato questo campo di conoscenza che, con una parola recente chiamiamo la "sessualità"? Quel che i lettori troveranno qui è la genesi di un sapere - un sapere che vorrei riafferrare alla radice, nelle istituzioni religiose, nelle forme pedagogiche, nelle pratiche mediche, nelle strutture familiari, là dove si è formato, ma anche negli effetti di coercizione che ha potuto avere sugl'individui, una volta che li aveva persuasi del compito di scoprire in se stessi la forza segreta e pericolosa di una "sessualità".
So bene che è imprudente spedire cosí, in esplorazione, un libro che fa incessantemente allusione a degli studi a venire. Ci sono grandi possibilità che appaia arbitrario e dogmatico. Le ipotesi rischiano di farvi figura di affermazioni perentorie, e le griglie di analisi proposte possono prendere l'aspetto di una nuova dottrina. Ne ho avuto d'altronde un esempio in Francia: dei critici, bruscamente convertiti ai benefici della lotta anti-repressiva, in cui non avevano finora manifestato grande ardore, mi hanno rimproverato di negare che la sessualità sia repressa. Cosa che, evidentemente, non ho mai preteso. Mi sono soltanto chiesto se, per decifrare i rapporti fra potere, sapere e sesso, si dovesse davvero centrare tutta l'analisi sulla nozione di repressione; e se non si rendesse meglio conto delle cose iscrivendo i divieti, le proibizioni, i rífiuti, le occultazioni in una strategia piú complessa, piú globale, non orientata verso la rimozione come obiettivo maggiore e principale.
I termini di "sesso" e di "sessualità" sono intensamente caricati e scottano. Mettono in ombra facilmente quelli che accompagnano. Per questo vorrei sottolineare che la sessualità è qui solo un esempio per un problema generale che inseguo - o che m'insegue - da ormai piú di quindici anni, e che guida d'altronde la maggior parte dei miei libri: in che modo, nelle società occidentali moderne, la produzione di discorsi cui si è attribuito (almeno per un certo periodo di tempo) un valore di verità è legata ai vari meccanismi ed istituzioni di potere?

Amazon.com Product Description (ISBN 0679724699, Paperback)

The author turns his attention to sex and the reasons why we are driven constantly to analyze and discuss it. An iconoclastic explanation of modern sexual history.

(retrieved from Amazon Fri, 24 Apr 2009 07:58:04 -0400)

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