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The Green Collar Economy: How One Solution Can Fix Our Two Biggest Problems

by Van Jones, Ariane Conrad

Other authors: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. (Foreword)

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2394112,823 (3.5)1
The award-winning human rights activist and advisor to policy makers and presidential candidates delivers a 21st-century economic plan to rescue working-class Americans. Van Jones illustrates how we can invent and invest our way out of the pollution-based grey economy and into the healthy new green economy. Built by a broad coalition deeply rooted in the lives and struggles of ordinary people, this path has the practical benefit of both cutting energy prices and generating enough work to pull the U.S. economy out of its present death spiral.… (more)
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    What We Leave Behind by Derrick Jensen (owen1218)
    owen1218: A more critical approach to sustainability worth looking at.
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Showing 4 of 4
Idealistic and I think too naive for someone as smart as Jones. And the timing couldn't be worse - right before the economy tanked. Nothing in here was particularly new or earth-shattering if you keep up with the green world, but if not, you might learn something. ( )
1 vote Razinha | May 23, 2017 |
The Green Collar Economy outlines Van Jones' vision for a clean, green, equal-opportunity America. It's chock full of plans to build a new economy based on caulking and weatherization, solar panel installation, wind turbine and hybrid car manufacturing, small-scale organic farming, and mass transit. Jones minces no words in spelling out the many problems with the energy sources of the old, dirty, gray economy. He frames the argument for an aggressive transition in terms of the opportunity to combat both poverty and pollution. He calls for a new 'green jobs' alliance between traditional environmentalists, social justice advocates, labor, students and faith-based organizations based on equal protection and equal opportunity for all and reverence for all creation.

Jones is no fan of free market solutions (with especially acerbic commentary on just how well the free market evacuation plan worked following hurricane Katrina) and calls for a government-sponsored 'green' New Deal. However, instead of calling for another big, clunky program, he envisions government's role as providing permanent and reliable tax breaks to eco-entrepreneurs, funding research, making polluters pay for carbon emissions, and developing a green workforce.

The book went to press as the presidential election of 2008 neared. The economic meltdown had already kindled a backlash against decisive action on climate change. Little could Jones have known that he personally would feel its sting. (He resigned his position as Obama's 'Green Jobs' czar in fall 2009 following controversy about earlier affiliations with radical political groups.) But, as Jones acknowledged at the end of the book, 'Delivering on that promise [of a new green economy that provides increased work, wealth and health] is the great work of the new century. The real work is just beginning.' Hopefully Van Jones and his ideas will continue to be part of the effort. ( )
  tracyfox | Mar 7, 2010 |
By Bill McKibben for Progressive Book Club

Van Jones is, beyond any doubt, one of the rising stars of the American environmental movement and the American civil rights movement. He’s fused the two of them in a new way, and in so doing constructed a powerful political argument for how we might move forward with the twin challenges of preparing the country to fight global warming and pulling our economy out of its dangerous current weakness.

The longtime head of the Ella Baker Center in Oakland, and now of the Green For All campaign, Jones took advantage of the odd politics of the Bay Area to reach a vital epiphany. He saw the very real environmental passion, and very real wealth, of folks in San Francisco, the Berkeley Hills, and the coastlines of Marin County, and he saw as well the abysmal poverty of the flatlands along the East Bay. How did they need each other? Well, in a practical way, and in a political one.

Practically speaking, the task of actually making all those affluent homes “green” would require lots of workers. Workers that could, and should, come from the communities passed over by prosperity in years past—“green-collar workers” who would need to go past high school but perhaps not to a four-year college to learn the real skills required to make American energy-efficient. “Let’s be clear,” he writes. “The main piece of technology in the green economy is a caulk gun. . . . Another bit of high-tech green technology is the clipboard . . . used by energy auditors as they point out energy-saving opportunities to homeowners and renters. . . . Other green-collar workers can then follow up with other tasks for building owners: wrapping hot-water heaters with blankets, blowing insulation, plugging holes, repairing cracks.” The point, he insists, is that when we think “green future” the image that should spring to mind is not George Jetson with a jet pack but “Joe Sixpack with a hard hat.”

And one of the best features of this kind of work is, it simply can’t be outsourced—no one is going to ship their house to China for new insulation.

The investment in real training for real jobs for people in real need would pay all kinds of dividends for traditional environmentalists, he insists. Recounting the sad tale of California’s Prop. 87, when the oil companies managed to manipulate black voters into helping turn down a tax that would have brought their communities huge gains, Jones concludes that “the eco-elite cannot win major change alone, not even in the Golden State.” (By the way, for those interested in the political futures market, I’ve heard more than one person murmuring about the possibility of Jones making a strong bid for the California Senate seat now held by Dianne Feinstein. He is a sparkling orator, with a mirthful soul and a commanding presence—this book would have been even better with a DVD insert of one of his speeches.)

Jones includes a number of examples of this budding coalition, including the quite inspiring story of how entrepreneurs in the poor and violent California city of Richmond managed to build a powerful solar business in short order, meeting the fast-growing demand for solar panel installation with local hires. He tells local food stories from Chicago’s inner city, and tales of innovative water, trash, and transport projects. But he’s canny enough to know that data is not the plural of anecdote: For real action, we’ll need much stronger involvement from the federal government. If there’s one sadness to reading this book in the weeks after its publication, it’s that the federal bailout of our pasteboard suburban home-mortgage crisis has likely eaten much of the money necessary for this work. But if a like-minded new president was looking for a plan, it’s spelled out in enough detail here to let him get down to work: Jones proposes everything from a new Clean Energy Corps to a serious effort to address the “Greenhouse Development Rights” of poor countries around the world.

This book could be read quite profitably next to Tom Friedman’s new tome,Hot, Flat, and Crowded. Jones takes Friedman’s high-octane account of the next green revolution and brings it right down to earth, which is where it needs to be. This is an important contribution to the environmental debate, from an important environmentalist, one who’s redefining the meaning of that word.

Progressive Book Club editorial board member Bill McKibben is an American environmentalist and writer who frequently writes about global warming, alternative energy, and the risks associated with human genetic engineering. Beginning in the summer of 2006, he led the organization of the largest demonstrations against global warming in American history. He is the author of many books

This review originally appeared at Progressive Book Club ( )
  ProgressiveBookClub | Jun 25, 2009 |
Overall, this book has some interesting and helpful ways to go green from a global, political, and personal perspective. The Resource List and Notes section are informative and helpful. The way the author ties in racial and social justice to being green is insightful.

However, it is also one of the most depressing books I have read. It reads like a litany of everything that has gone wrong, could go wrong, and will go wrong. In addition, the author hammers home that faith-based organizations and churches need to be part of the solution, yet he also states that the average response of religious people to global warming is, "Well, it's just the end times, I guess. That means Jesus is coming back." (page 103). It seems a wee bit counterintuitive to want to include people who are so deliberately not wanting to be part of the solution. He further justifies including faith-based people because his own faith led, in part, to civil rights for black people. He never once discusses how that same religion has been used to justify slavery, to denigrate and nullify any other spiritual beliefs, to deny marriage between African-Americans and Caucasians, and to perpetuate willful ignorance. If *anything* else were taught in the manner that religion is, it would be called brainwashing, psyche-damaging, and horrible, irretrievable mangling and twisting of children's minds. And yet these folks should be included because of...? Yes, I think everyone should be on board for a green collar economy, but not faith-based folks for the reasons the author lists.

In addition, the author uses sexist language. Read this book if you enjoy being depressed and having the author's religious beliefs color his worldview, with occasional helpful and enlightening ideas thrown in. ( )
1 vote MelindaLibrary | Jun 23, 2009 |
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Author nameRoleType of authorWork?Status
Van Jonesprimary authorall editionscalculated
Conrad, Arianemain authorall editionsconfirmed
Kennedy, Robert F., Jr.Forewordsecondary authorall editionsconfirmed
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The award-winning human rights activist and advisor to policy makers and presidential candidates delivers a 21st-century economic plan to rescue working-class Americans. Van Jones illustrates how we can invent and invest our way out of the pollution-based grey economy and into the healthy new green economy. Built by a broad coalition deeply rooted in the lives and struggles of ordinary people, this path has the practical benefit of both cutting energy prices and generating enough work to pull the U.S. economy out of its present death spiral.

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