A Great Disorder: National Myth and the Battle for America
by Richard Slotkin
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Red America and Blue America are divided with wildly diverging views of why government exists and who counts as American. Their ideologies are grounded in different versions of American history, endorsing irreconcilable visions of patriotism and national identity. A Great Disorder is a bold, urgent work that helps us make sense of today's culture wars through a brilliant reconsideration of America's foundational myths and their use in contemporary politics. Richard Slotkin identifies five show more myths, born of different eras, that have shaped our conception of what it means to be American: the myths of the Frontier, the Founding, the Civil War (which he breaks into two opposing camps, Emancipation and the Lost Cause), and the Good War, embodied by the multiethnic platoon fighting for freedom. His argument is that while Trump and his MAGA followers have played up a frontier-inspired hostility to the federal government and rallied around Confederate symbols to champion a racially exclusive definition of American nationality, Blue America, taking its cue from the protest movements of the 1960s, envisions a limitlessly pluralistic country in which the federal government is the ultimate enforcer of rights and opportunities. American history-and the foundations of our democracy-have become a battleground. It is not clear at this time which vision will prevail. show lessTags
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In 1938 the American literary critic Howard Mumford Jones published an article in The Atlantic titled ‘Patriotism – but How?’ As Europe teetered on the brink of war, Jones observed how fascist dictators were skilfully manipulating their nation’s myths to rally their populations. By contrast, the United States seemed culturally adrift – its mythic heroes discredited by a generation of cynical writers and ‘debunking biographers’. Bemoaning this trend, Jones called for a ‘patriotic renaissance’, encouraging its writers and historians to unearth ‘thrilling anecdotes’ from their nation’s past. ‘The only way to conquer an alien mythology’, Jones wrote, ‘is to have a better mythology of your own.’
A response show more came, fittingly enough, from Hollywood, America’s myth-making capital. Yet while Gone with the Wind (1939) was hugely popular, critics worried that the myths it promoted were more likely to encourage American-style fascism than fortify democracy. Drenched in nostalgia for the slave-owning South, the film invoked the ‘Lost Cause’ myth of the Civil War, romanticising the Confederacy’s role as a noble effort to preserve a virtuous way of life rather than a violent rebellion to maintain slavery. Many implored the film’s producer, David O. Selznick, not to make it. The Jewish actor Hyman Meyer wrote that such a film would ‘be welcomed by the Fascists ... of this country’, including the Ku Klux Klan. Sure enough, it quickly became a favourite among Germany’s Nazi elite.
It was also popular with southern segregationists (and, it should be said, the filmgoing public). During the 1950s, Gone with the Wind’s Lost Cause mythology was invoked to energise a ‘massive resistance’ to the civil rights movement. More recently, as Richard Slotkin notes in A Great Disorder, the Lost Cause myth has been embraced by Donald Trump’s MAGA movement. When insurrectionists stormed the Capitol on 6 January, many did so waving Confederate flags. At a 2020 campaign rally in Colorado, Trump criticised that year’s Academy Awards by asking his supporters: ‘Can we get, like, Gone with the Wind back, please?’
Read the full review at https://www.historytoday.com/archive/review/great-disorder-richard-slotkin-revie...
Sam Collings-Wells is Junior Research Fellow in American History at the University of Cambridge. show less
A response show more came, fittingly enough, from Hollywood, America’s myth-making capital. Yet while Gone with the Wind (1939) was hugely popular, critics worried that the myths it promoted were more likely to encourage American-style fascism than fortify democracy. Drenched in nostalgia for the slave-owning South, the film invoked the ‘Lost Cause’ myth of the Civil War, romanticising the Confederacy’s role as a noble effort to preserve a virtuous way of life rather than a violent rebellion to maintain slavery. Many implored the film’s producer, David O. Selznick, not to make it. The Jewish actor Hyman Meyer wrote that such a film would ‘be welcomed by the Fascists ... of this country’, including the Ku Klux Klan. Sure enough, it quickly became a favourite among Germany’s Nazi elite.
It was also popular with southern segregationists (and, it should be said, the filmgoing public). During the 1950s, Gone with the Wind’s Lost Cause mythology was invoked to energise a ‘massive resistance’ to the civil rights movement. More recently, as Richard Slotkin notes in A Great Disorder, the Lost Cause myth has been embraced by Donald Trump’s MAGA movement. When insurrectionists stormed the Capitol on 6 January, many did so waving Confederate flags. At a 2020 campaign rally in Colorado, Trump criticised that year’s Academy Awards by asking his supporters: ‘Can we get, like, Gone with the Wind back, please?’
Read the full review at https://www.historytoday.com/archive/review/great-disorder-richard-slotkin-revie...
Sam Collings-Wells is Junior Research Fellow in American History at the University of Cambridge. show less
A really thought provoking American History book that studies the roots of our current divisions in politics today. It is based on the different interpretation of several historical myths including the founding myth, the frontier myth, the lost cause myth and others that MAGA folks and the right are in my opinion are reading incorrectly. In a sense MAGA has taken up the South's side we are still fighting the Civil War.
The fiction writer, social critic and historian Richard Slotkin has discussed, in earlier non-fiction and academic writing, the uses of violence as portrayed in popular writing and viewing (cinema and broadcast media) in the USA. His academic employment was/in in "English and American Studies" (apparently in the humanities of language and literature). The author in his career had discussed the theme of legitimate violence by colonial settlers and their descendants against opponents identified as "savage" (dangerously violent): indigenous people, enslaved, indentured or organized workers, members of "inferior' "races", and ethnic groups. His method is to study the creation and perpetuation of myths in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries - show more stories shared by individuals who vary in wealth, power, education. age, gender, appearance and other physical characteristics.
In this book he presents a theory that stories that present Americans as striving to protect themselves against military opponents, competitors and dissidents have been successful in making money for writers and publishers, and have a role in the alignment of individuals into political factions.
The book is long at 400+ pages of densely printed text, plus notes - an academic style. The book goes into details of the stories told in book and movies, like literary criticism. It is interesting for readers with the time to read the book. show less
In this book he presents a theory that stories that present Americans as striving to protect themselves against military opponents, competitors and dissidents have been successful in making money for writers and publishers, and have a role in the alignment of individuals into political factions.
The book is long at 400+ pages of densely printed text, plus notes - an academic style. The book goes into details of the stories told in book and movies, like literary criticism. It is interesting for readers with the time to read the book. show less
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- Epigraph
- A. A violent order is disorder; and
B. A great disorder is an order. These
Two things are one.
-Wallace Stevens, "Connoisseur of Chaos" (1942)
Flags are clossoming now where little else is blossoming
and I am bent on fathoming what it means to love my country.
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A patriot is not a weapon. A patriot is one who wrestles for the soul of her country... (show all)r>as she wrestles for her own being..
-Adrienne Rich, "One night on Monterey Bay the death-freeze of the century" (1991) - First words
- Our country is in the grip of a prolonged crisis that has profoundly shaken our institutions, our structures of belief, and the solidarities that sustain us as a nation. The past forty years have seen a steadily intensifying ... (show all)culture war, expressed politically in a hyperpartisanship that has crippled the government's ability to deal constructively with the problems endemic to modern society. Major crises, like the financial meltdown of 2008-2009 and the COVID-19 pandemic, which in the past would have inspired a patriotic rallying of public opinion, have instead intensified our divisions and raised the potential for political violence. -Introduction
The history of "America" really begins with the migration of Asian peoples out of prehistoric Beringia, along the coasts, through the mountains, across the plains, and into the woodlands, until the North America continent was... (show all) peopled and parceled into the territories of the First Nations. The history of the nation-state named "the United States of America" - and of the people or nationality called "American" - begins with the invasion, conquest, and colonization of the North Atlantic coast by European settlers, mainly from the British Isles, in the seventeenth century. -Chapter 1, The Myth of the Frontier
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