Terrorism and Communism
by Leon Trotsky
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Trotsky and Slavoj Zizek defend revolutionary violence Written in the white heat of revolutionary Russia's Civil War, Trotsky's Terrorism and Communism is one of the most potent defenses of revolutionary dictatorship. In his provocative commentary to this new edition the philosopher Slavoj Zizek argues that Trotsky's attack on the illusions of liberal democracy has a vital relevance today.Tags
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‘You know, with Kautsky, the more I learn about that guy, the more I don’t care for him’ - Norm MacDonald
I’m going to attempt the possible and defend Trotsky in the face of a seemingly insuperable wave of MLM sycophants; an admittedly difficult task to be sure.
Fine, Mao supersedes Trotsky in his understanding of the peasantry, Trotsky is a tad too abstract and not as concrete as the venerable Chairman, he overestimated the upper crust of the working class yadda yadda. But here we have a cutthroat and effective evaluation of lived Soviet reality. Surely someone can’t read this and come away detesting the man? The militarisation of labour goes a hell of a long way in deflating the aspirations of some of the most enervating show more so-called ‘Marxists’ of my generation who see themselves becoming poets as soon as the class struggle has progressed somewhat, even the notion of egalitarianism (contra the utopian notion of egalitarianism, where the necessity of momentarily maintaining wages, rewarding impressive labour etc. is construed as some immoral sin) is dispelled, a notion all too often misunderstood. As well as this, Trotsky demonstrates the necessity of the State in a way I have found unmatched by other Marxist writers within the tradition — I know it’s a cliche at this point but I do really think that anarchists dwell in some idealistic stupor.
That being said.... do any of these writings carry any weight anymore? Must we solely speak in the language handed down to us by neoliberalism? As I grow older I feel like this is most likely the case. However, this work does stand as a Romantic, passionate haranguing by a man gripped by the most intense and critical conditions imaginable, and he was truly fighting for something novel and in my eyes very important. Perhaps all of these writings surrounding the Internationals are beyond antiquarian at this point of time, but maybe there is something to be salvaged within these silverfish-addled tomes that could cut through the current miasma of our lost futures. Something concerning a steel will, an organised strength, something that may not be a cure-all but will alleviate some ails, some pretty bloody big ones at that.
Even if all of this discourse amounts to nil at least when you’ve read this you’ll no longer need to stare at a closeted liberal with a glazed over expression while swallowing their tepid notions of revolution. Trotsky’s notion of Revolution and violence may belong to a bygone era, but let us not allow these snivelling knaves to diminish and denigrate what once was. Oh and just to mention, no other Marxist has been this unabashedly sincere and open on the sheer horror and terror that civil war, class struggle and the road to socialism involve: Trotsky gives it to you like a pear cider made out of 100% pears. show less
I’m going to attempt the possible and defend Trotsky in the face of a seemingly insuperable wave of MLM sycophants; an admittedly difficult task to be sure.
Fine, Mao supersedes Trotsky in his understanding of the peasantry, Trotsky is a tad too abstract and not as concrete as the venerable Chairman, he overestimated the upper crust of the working class yadda yadda. But here we have a cutthroat and effective evaluation of lived Soviet reality. Surely someone can’t read this and come away detesting the man? The militarisation of labour goes a hell of a long way in deflating the aspirations of some of the most enervating show more so-called ‘Marxists’ of my generation who see themselves becoming poets as soon as the class struggle has progressed somewhat, even the notion of egalitarianism (contra the utopian notion of egalitarianism, where the necessity of momentarily maintaining wages, rewarding impressive labour etc. is construed as some immoral sin) is dispelled, a notion all too often misunderstood. As well as this, Trotsky demonstrates the necessity of the State in a way I have found unmatched by other Marxist writers within the tradition — I know it’s a cliche at this point but I do really think that anarchists dwell in some idealistic stupor.
That being said.... do any of these writings carry any weight anymore? Must we solely speak in the language handed down to us by neoliberalism? As I grow older I feel like this is most likely the case. However, this work does stand as a Romantic, passionate haranguing by a man gripped by the most intense and critical conditions imaginable, and he was truly fighting for something novel and in my eyes very important. Perhaps all of these writings surrounding the Internationals are beyond antiquarian at this point of time, but maybe there is something to be salvaged within these silverfish-addled tomes that could cut through the current miasma of our lost futures. Something concerning a steel will, an organised strength, something that may not be a cure-all but will alleviate some ails, some pretty bloody big ones at that.
Even if all of this discourse amounts to nil at least when you’ve read this you’ll no longer need to stare at a closeted liberal with a glazed over expression while swallowing their tepid notions of revolution. Trotsky’s notion of Revolution and violence may belong to a bygone era, but let us not allow these snivelling knaves to diminish and denigrate what once was. Oh and just to mention, no other Marxist has been this unabashedly sincere and open on the sheer horror and terror that civil war, class struggle and the road to socialism involve: Trotsky gives it to you like a pear cider made out of 100% pears. show less
A brilliant work exposing the myth of equality and justice through parliamentary democracy, asserting that the only means to equality and justice is socialism. The path to socialism requires revolution, and a socialist revolution will face the violent resistance of the capitalists, which must be met with greater force in order to suppress it.
Zizek makes an astute observation that modern social-democrats, even those who called themselves Trotskyists like Ernest Mandel, dislike Terrorism and Communism because it asserts the need for revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and those who seek to restore its power.
Trotsky provides a historical explanation of the rise of the idea of "democracy," and how it show more is, like religion, a myth that gives the oppressed the illusion of equality with the oppressor:
[b:Terrorism and Communism: A Reply to Karl Kautsky|1769648|Terrorism and Communism A Reply to Karl Kautsky|Leon Trotsky|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1373997053l/1769648._SY75_.jpg|1767785] show less
Zizek makes an astute observation that modern social-democrats, even those who called themselves Trotskyists like Ernest Mandel, dislike Terrorism and Communism because it asserts the need for revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and those who seek to restore its power.
Trotsky provides a historical explanation of the rise of the idea of "democracy," and how it show more is, like religion, a myth that gives the oppressed the illusion of equality with the oppressor:
The doctrine of formal democracy is not scientific Socialism, but the theory of so-called natural law. The essence of the latter consists in the recognition of eternal and unchanging standards of law, which among different peoples and at different periods find a different, more or less limited and distorted expression. The natural law of the latest history – i.e., as it emerged from the Middle Ages – included first of all a protest against class privileges, the abuse of despotic legislation, and the other “artificial” products of feudal positive law. The theoreticians of the, as yet, weak Third Estate expressed its class interests in a few ideal standards, which later on developed into the teaching of democracy, acquiring at the same time an individualist character. The individual is absolute; all persons have the right of expressing their thoughts in speech and print; every man must enjoy equal electoral rights. As a battle cry against feudalism, the demand for democracy had a progressive character. As time went on, however, the metaphysics of natural law (the theory of formal democracy) began to show its reactionary side – the establishment of an ideal standard to control the real demands of the laboring masses and the revolutionary parties.
If we look back to the historical sequence of world concepts, the theory of natural law will prove to be a paraphrase of Christian spiritualism freed from its crude mysticism. The Gospels proclaimed to the slave that he had just the same soul as the slave-owner, and in this way established the equality of all men before the heavenly tribunal. In reality, the slave remained a slave, and obedience became for him a religious duty. In the teaching of Christianity, the slave found an expression for his own ignorant protest against his degraded condition. Side by side with the protest was also the consolation. Christianity told him:– “You have an immortal soul, although you resemble a pack-horse.” Here sounded the note of indignation. But the same Christianity said:– “Although you are like a pack-horse, yet your immortal soul has in store for it an eternal reward.” Here is the voice of consolation. These two notes were found in historical Christianity in different proportions at different periods and amongst different classes. But as a whole, Christianity, like all other religions, became a method of deadening the consciousness of the oppressed masses.
Natural law, which developed into the theory of democracy, said to the worker: “all men are equal before the law, independently of their origin, their property, and their position; every man has an equal right in determining the fate of the people.” This ideal criterion revolutionized the consciousness of the masses in so far as it was a condemnation of absolutism, aristocratic privileges, and the property qualification. But the longer it went on, the more if sent the consciousness to sleep, legalizing poverty, slavery and degradation: for how could one revolt against slavery when every man has an equal right in determining the fate of the nation?
Rothschild, who has coined the blood and tears of the world into the gold napoleons of his income, has one vote at the parliamentary elections. The ignorant tiller of the soil who cannot sign his name, sleeps all his life without taking his clothes off, and wanders through society like an underground mole, plays his part, however, as a trustee of the nation’s sovereignty, and is equal to Rothschild in the courts and at the elections. In the real conditions of life, in the economic process, in social relations, in their way of life, people became more and more unequal; dazzling luxury was accumulated at one pole, poverty and hopelessness at the other. But in the sphere of the legal edifice of the State, these glaring contradictions disappeared, and there penetrated thither only unsubstantial legal shadows. The landlord, the laborer, the capitalist, the proletarian, the minister, the bootblack – all are equal as “citizens” and as “legislators.” The mystic equality of Christianity has taken one step down from the heavens in the shape of the “natural,” “legal” equality of democracy. But it has not yet reached earth, where lie the economic foundations of society. For the ignorant day-laborer, who all his life remains a beast of burden in the service of the bourgeoisie, the ideal right to influence the fate of the nations by means of the parliamentary elections remained little more real than the palace which he was promised in the kingdom of heaven.
[b:Terrorism and Communism: A Reply to Karl Kautsky|1769648|Terrorism and Communism A Reply to Karl Kautsky|Leon Trotsky|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1373997053l/1769648._SY75_.jpg|1767785] show less
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Leon Trotsky was born Lev Davidovich Bronshteyn on November 7, 1879 in Yanovka, Ukraine. As a teenager, he became involved in underground activities and was soon arrested, jailed and exiled to Siberia where he joined the Social Democratic Party. He escaped from exile in Siberia by using the name of a jailer called Trotsky on a false passport. show more During World War I, he lived in Switzerland, France, England, and New York City, where he edited the newspaper Novy Mir (New World). In 1917, after the overthrow of Tsar Nicholas II, he went back to Russia and joined Vladimir Lenin in the first, abortive, July Revolution of the Bolsheviks. A key organizer of the successful October Revolution, he was People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs in the Lenin regime. He was then made war commissar and in this capacity, built up the Red Army which prevailed against the White Russian forces in the civil war. Antagonism developed between him and Joseph Stalin during the Civil War of 1918-1920. When Lenin fell ill and died, Stalin became the new leader and Trotsky was thrown out of the party in 1927. Trotsky fled across Siberia to Norway, France, and finally settled in Mexico in 1936. He began working on the biography of Stalin. He was able to complete 7 of the 12 chapters before an assassin, acting on Stalin's orders, stabbed Trotsky with an ice pick. He died on August 21, 1940. The construction of the remaining five chapters was accomplished by the translator Charles Malamuth, from notes, worksheets, and fragments. (Bowker Author Biography) show less
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- Canonical title
- Terrorism and Communism
- Original publication date
- 1920
- People/Characters
- Karl Kautsky; Leon Trotsky
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