The Ascent of George Washington: The Hidden Political Genius of an American Icon

When I started John Ferling's The Ascent of George Washington: The Hidden Political Genius of an American Icon (forthcoming, Bloomsbury) I thought how on earth can anyone have anything new to say about George Washington as politician? But I'm happy to say that the book is worth the time, since Ferling manages to package his subject in a different way than most of the conventional Washington biographies do.

Ferling's major argument here is that Washington was a tremendously skilled political actor, who managed throughout his career to maneuver himself into optimal circumstances (without, for the most part, getting his hands dirty in the process). Ferling calls Washington a "canny political infighter - a master of persuasion, manipulation, show more and deniability," and uses the book to provide numerous examples of how Washington exercised those skills to his advantage. Among the situations Ferling examines closely are Washington's experiences during the French & Indian War; his handling of the Conway Cabal and of the Newburgh Conspiracy; and the partisan pressures of the 1790s.

Throughout his career, Ferling argues, Washington looked to improve his own reputation and standing (often at the expenses of others) in quiet but powerful ways, deploying surrogates, scapegoating his rivals, and deftly keeping himself on top of the political, military and economic heap by any means necessary. But the point isn't to diminish Washington's reputation, Ferling writes, it's to recognize that such actions were exactly what was necessary to hold the United States together during the dark days of the Revolution and keep the nation going following ratification of the Constitution.

Well-written and researched, with excellent endnotes. A fine book.

http://philobiblos.blogspot.com/2009/04/book-review-ascent-of-george-washington.... show less

Every American knows who George Washington was and even though few still believe Parson Weems’ story of his life (does anyone still believe he chopped down a cherry tree?) most Americans have an idealized portrait of Washington in their minds. In The Ascent of George Washington: The Hidden Political Genius of an American Icon, John Ferling portrays a different and much more human version of Washington.

Ferling, who has written extensively about the American Revolutionary period, discovered a Washington who was, “Madly ambitious and obsessed with recognition and renown,” he emerged a hero from two wars, in which he achieved only insignificant individual success and committed dreadful blunders. He was a genius at shifting the blame show more for defeat on to others and engaging in self-promotion.

In spite of these failings, Ferling maintains Washington was a great American icon and the country was extraordinarily fortunate to have had him as its first president. For while much of the aura that surrounded Washington in life and death was mythological, legendary heroes and mythical tales are essential for the creation and maintenance of a new nation.

Political leaders of the past have often been made into mythological figures that can never be imitated. The reader can never achieve the same greatness nor does he expect it from his current leaders. The fact that these past leaders were great but human, with human flaws is lost. This diminishes their accomplishments by making it appear they were something more then normal men.

The Ascent of George Washington serves as a reminder that we are all human, even George Washington. show less

According to this biography, George Washington was neither disinterested, nonpartisan, nor for that matter any great military strategist. He was, however, a born administrator & a political animal of genius. Above even these gifts was his extraordinary skill at constructing, staging, & manipulating the public perception of his persona.

What remains, then, of Washington's "greatness" after reading this book? His character - if not disinterested, then hotly devoted to the future & welfare of the new American nation. Plus the accomplishment, still much to his own credit, of consolidating the young republic. By way of a counterrevolution that only he, in semi-conspiration with his vizier Andrew Hamilton, clearly saw as necessary & show more desirable.

One of the rare accounts in which a political idol is not diminished by the revelation of his human imperfections. If anything, his ability comes out enhanced. Singular & thought-provoking. show less

Historian John Ferling, a noted authority on the American Revolution and its aftermath, offers a new assessment of the "father of his country" in "The Ascent of George Washington." In what might be best described as a political biography, Ferling describes an aspiring leader who consistently makes decisions for both the public good and his own personal benefit, frequently at the same time.

To a great extent, this is a probable assessment. Despite the common view of Washington that he consistently served the national interest with personal disinterest, it is clear that Washington carefully cultivated himself to be selected leader in a number of different situations. Indeed, Washington's self-promotion, particularly in his military career, show more is a fascinating addition to his marble mystique.

Ferling presents much evidence of Washington's actions aligning to his self-interest; however, he is unclear how far to push the argument. This conflicting assessment is frequently apparent in the book, causing some dizzying acrobatic logic. For example, in writing of Washington's actions toward policy in the Western frontier, where he was a land speculator, Ferling offers this convoluted evaluation:

"It cannot be denied that the changes Washington urged would advance his personal interests. That does not mean he recommended these political changes for his own advantage. By soldiering for eight difficult years, he had demonstrated his willingness to make enormous personal sacrifices for a greater public good, and one would like to think that following his return to civilian pursuits as a planter and businessman, nothing superseded the national interest in Washington's mind. Before the war, however, Washington had often used his power and influence in the House of Burgesses for his own ends, and it would be more creditable had he, on occasion, stood for something after 1783 that would have been to his detriment. Most people, including those in public life, are self-serving. It goes against human nature not to be. Washington was still vigorous when he returned home from the war. He may not have anticipated a long life, but he knew that he might live another quarter century or more. That possibility made it especially important that he be able to sell or lease his western lands, successfully market what was produced at Mount Vernon and on his dower lands, and realize the full face value of all money owed him. Every reform he advocated would enhance the likelihood that he would achieve these ends, and in the near-term. It is a habit of the human condition to see an affinity between one's personal interests and the greater general good, and habit, too, to exaggerate the perils that accompany a course that is not in one's interests. Washington was no exception to this rule."

To be sure, good scholarship, especially in historical biography, requires an ability to see nuance, complexity, and even contradiction in someone's life. However, this hemming and hawing offers more insight into Ferling's mind that into Washington's. Perhaps this is the most extreme occasion in the book, but unfortunately it recurs far too often, which at times causes the account to feel indecisive and tedious.

There are good observations here. Of particular note is the care that Ferling gives to describe how Washington's approach to politics and political demeanor changed as he grew older. It is clear that Ferling believes Washington was tired and a bit ambivalent toward politics in his second term as president, due mostly to his age, rather than to maturity.

In the end, this look at America's first president is a mixed bag, combining some excellent scholarship and insight into Washington's character with too many instances of dry, boring, or even confused prose. Students of Washington may find value here; others are unlikely to finish the book. show less

George Washington looks over my shoulder as I write this. An old schoolhouse reproduction of the famous unfinished Gilbert Stuart "Athenaeum" portrait of Washington hangs on the wall behind me. This is the iconic Washington, the Washington of the dollar bill, the American demigod. This is the Washington of myth, the one who chopped down the cherry tree and could not tell a lie. But in his excellent new book, historian John Ferling reveals a different, less admirable, more human Washington—one who might have chopped down the cherry tree and then found a scapegoat on whom to pin the blame.

"What is most remarkable about Washington's ascent," Ferling writes, "is that he emerged an unsurpassed hero from two wars in which he committed show more dreadful—even spectacular—blunders and was personally responsible for only marginal successes." As Ferling demonstrates, Washington wasn't a spectacular commander in the field, but he was an able administrator and a skilled politician who knew how to build support for his political agenda while at the same time crafting an image of himself as a disinterested public servant who was entirely above politics. Ferling untangles the man from the myth, but argues that, for the purposes of holding together the fragile United States in its infancy, the myth of Washington was as important as the reality. Washington was a necessary man, whose innate skills were supplemented by careful image making to make him the fixed point around which American Independence coalesced. Even his political critics, like Thomas Jefferson, acknowledged this much.

The George Washington who emerges from Ferling's clear and cogent political biography is often far from admirable. His ascent is littered with the careers of men who crossed him, or who were made to take the fall for his blunders. Washington was a seasoned land speculator, and many of his policies and actions seemed to have been motivated primarily by a desire to protect and promote his investments in western land. In 1781, when the allied French commander Rochambeau recommended surrounding Cornwallis's army at the mouth of the Chesapeake, Washington stubbornly insisted on his long-cherished plan of laying siege to British-occupied New York. It was only through some deft maneuvering by Rochambeau that Washington was coaxed south to Yorktown. But in the successful aftermath, Washington was quick to take all the credit, just as he was quick to disclaim any blame when things went wrong.

Washington is also revealed as a master manipulator, and it's intriguing to watch the political dance engaged in by Washington and Alexander Hamilton, who was even more masterful at pulling political strings. Together, Washington and Hamilton invented the American economy, setting it on a path toward successful market capitalism. At the same time, in classic conservative fashion, their policies advanced the interests of the rich—men like themselves—at the expense of the poor. For example, the burden of the infamous whiskey tax of 1791 fell disproportionately on poor western farmers, and provoked the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794. In his retirement from office, Washington set up his own whiskey distillery, knowing that he could exploit a tax loophole that favored eastern distillers.

Although I've read numerous books on the Revolutionary period and the early Republic, Ferling's explanations are among the most lucid I've read. He's an academic historian (a professor emeritus at the University of West Georgia), but he writes in an accessible style that rarely takes anything for granted, while still respecting the intelligence of his readers.

In the end, George Washington seems like an ur-Reagan—a skilled political actor who knew how to make the most of the role in which he was cast, and who became the avatar of a wider and more enduring conservative movement. He's great, in part, because of America's need for someone to embody and personalize its greatness. Ferling's book succeeds in uncovering Washington's often less than admirable motives, while allowing him to retain his stature as the necessary man for his times. show less

ISBN #978-1-59691-465-0

Every now and then a phrase from some movie or other captures the imagination of the general public and before you know it everyone is repeating the line over and over. "I'll be back" from The Terminator comes to mind, or "You had me at hello" from Jerry Maguire. Well I hate to use such phrases myself but this one time I have to do so and say that with this latest title, author John Ferling had me at "There were differences in the politics of eighteenth-century America and those of today, but not as many as might be thought." (1st sentence of Preface)

This captivating beginning sets the tone for the entire book and from start to finish I simply could not put this book down...indeed Mr. Ferling now owes me many show more hours of sleep, a debt I am happy to forgive if he promises to keep writing non fiction of this caliber. The beauty of this book is that while it is indeed a book of history (political history at that!), it reads like a modern thriller. I dare say that I absolutely would recommend this book to everyone I know, and if it was within my power, I would make it required reading for high school students.

Well with such nearly sycophantic praise one would think that Mr. Ferling was paying me for this review, but I assure my readers that this is not the case (if, however, Mr. Ferling should read this and feel the uncontrollable urge to send some cash my way, I will happily accept). No, this book is well deserving of praise without needing to resort to base bribery!

At any rate, this book brings our illustrious first president down to a human level...portraying him as the ambitious and self interested man that he was, warts and all. In no way, however, does this make him a less heroic figure. Instead it helps us to see him as the fallible human that he truly was, a man who felt like he was meant for great things (and apparently he was) and stopped at nothing to achieve this greatness. Ferling correctly points out that it was quite surpising that Washington became the man he did considering his many military blunders; at the same time this is no big surprise when we understand his political savviness and his ability to deflect criticism. This, indeed, is the theme of this book, and Ferling does a wonderful job of proving his thesis and convincing the reader not only of this truth but assisting us to retain our hero worshipping attitude towards the father of our country!

So my final thoughts are as follows: this book is well written, surpisingly respectful of its subject, and quite humorous in some places (three French generals coming to America; three major general positions available; American officers wanting one of those positions; problem solved satisfactorily for everyone when one of the French generals obligingly drowns...Ferling points out this was satisfactory for everyone except, of course, the drowned general!). I would give it three thumbs up if I could, but since I cannot do so I give it two enthusiastic thumbs up! show less

This is not a biography about George Washington. That is good, since Washington has been the subject of so many that a reader might sigh, ‘Why do we need another biography of Washington.’ It is instead an analysis of the Washington’s growth as a politician, and how he carefully crafted his public persona so as to create an almost mythical image of himself, and hence capture the title, Father of Our Country.

“Phenomenal luck is required to become a national hero,” writes Ferling, and Washington had that luck. That a Virginia slave-owning aristocrat would rise to the preeminent position in American political life is a wondrous story.

Washington had a lot of things working against him. Unlike many of the Founding Fathers he did show more not have a formal education. He was not a great writer, nor was he a brilliant orator. In the continental congress he rarely spoke, and unlike Adams and Jefferson, he was not a intellectual driving force behind this new American revolution. His military successes in leading the Continental Army were far outnumbered by his failures on the battlefield. He was often indecisive in battle, and had a tendency to blame others for his failures, and to steal the credit for success when others deserved it. So how did he manage to be regarded, both by his contemporaries and us today as the leading citizen of this new nation? That is the story which Ferling tells.

Washington was a brilliant observer. He learned from his many failures. He was tall and dashing in his military uniform, and he inspired the men he led. He was a survivor. His Continental Army should have dissolved into desertion many times, but he always held them together to fight another day.

Washington was highly ambitious for power and position, but was extremely adept at convincing those around him that he acquiesced to any position he was offered only for the good of the cause. He was a highly skilled politician who was able to convince those around him and the generations which followed that he was a dispassionate statesman who had no interest in his own public esteem, but was only out for the good of America. And he was just plain lucky. Or as some would have said in that day, perhaps Providence decreed that this man needed to succeed so that this new nation could be founded.

Ferling has a way of writing about Washington which pulls back from making conclusions about his character, but rather gives the reader the raw material with which to make those conclusions. If one desires to think of Washington as the honest man who would never tell a lie (like the apocryphal story about telling his father about chopping down the cherry tree) this is not a good book to read. Ferling probes the letters of Washington for the many ways in which he spins a story to favor himself, and leaves his readers with the inescapable conclusion that here was a highly ambitious man who was not adverse to twisting the facts to make himself look better. He was a politician from the beginning to end. But he played the game so well, that he was seen by others not to be a politician, but rather one who rose above the petty weaknesses of others.

This book is highly readable and never bogs down in detail, but rather the author weaves his many facts about Washington’s life to tell an engaging story. That story shows that Washington’s greatness was indeed mythical, but not quite in the way all have imagined for over two hundred years. Washington self-consciously painted his own portrait with the same skill with which Gilbert Stuart painted him. He was a master of making the image that we see today. He emerges from Ferling’s book as flawed, human, and ambitious, but also as a figure who exhibited weakness, yet triumphed over it,...all to our benefit as Americans. Ferling peels away the myth, yet we still see Washington as deserving of a place in our hearts as the Father of Our Country. show less