E. A. Wrigley (1931–2022)
Author of Population and history
About the Author
Image credit: Anthony Wrigley, c1980s
Series
Works by E. A. Wrigley
Continuity, Chance and Change: The Character of the Industrial Revolution in England (1988) 46 copies, 1 review
An introduction to English historical demography from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century (1966) — Editor — 15 copies
The Path to Sustained Growth: England's Transition from an Organic Economy to an Industrial Revolution (2016) 14 copies
English Population History from Family Reconstitution 1580-1837 (Cambridge Studies in Population, Economy and Society in Past Time) (1997) 12 copies
Nineteenth Century Society. Essays in the use of quantitative methods for the study of social data (1972) 7 copies
Population and Economy: Population and History from the Traditional to the Modern World (1986) 6 copies
Historia y población 1 copy
Associated Works
Towns in Societies: Essays in Economic History and Historical Sociology (Past and Present Publications) (1978) — Editor, some editions — 23 copies
The New History: The 1980s and Beyond (Studies in Interdisciplinary History) (1983) — Contributor — 17 copies
Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association, Vol XII, No 55 (1976) — Contributor — 1 copy
Tagged
Common Knowledge
- Legal name
- Wrigley, Edward Anthony
- Other names
- Wrigley, Tony
- Birthdate
- 1931-08-17
- Date of death
- 2022-02-24
- Gender
- male
- Education
- King’s school, Macclesfield
University of Cambridge (Peterhouse College|history and geography|1949-1958)
Chicago University (one year fellowship) - Occupations
- historian (economic and demographic)
geographer - Organizations
- Cambridge University (lecturer in the geography department|1958-1974|professor of economic history|1994-1997)
Peterhouse College, Cambridge (fellow|1958-1979|emeritus fellow|1979)
Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure (co-founder|1964)
British Society for Population Studies (president|1977-1979)
London School of Economics (professor of population studies|1979-1988)
All Souls College, Oxford (senior research fellow|1988|quondam fellow|2005) (show all 9)
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (master|1994-2000)
American Philosophical Society (member)
American Academy of Arts and Sciences (member) - Awards and honors
- British Academy (fellow|1980|president|1997-2001|Leverhulme Medal and Prize|2005)
- Nationality
- UK
- Birthplace
- Chorlton-cum-Hardy, Manchester, England
- Places of residence
- North Wales (evacuee|WWII)
- Associated Place (for map)
- Chorlton-cum-Hardy, Manchester, England
Members
Reviews
Continuity, Chance and Change: The Character of the Industrial Revolution in England by E. A. Wrigley
after reading "Il declino industriale" (the industrial decline) as part of my "change initiative" (see my profile on Linkedin), I decided to explore further declinations of "industrial development", and this book is focused on the one that still is taken for granted by people living in developed countries, while instead generated a significant change.
This book, derived from a series of conferences, is replete with data (information, if you previously read anything about the social impacts of show more industrial development) worth pondering, as there is a developing general consensus that our current economic model is being kept alive by financial gimmickry, but increasingly not just neo-Luddites and assorted extremists are here and there suggesting to "rediscover a land-based economy".
Examples: "Between 1550 and 1820 the populations of France, Spain, Germany, Italy and The Netherlands all appear to have grown by between 50 and 80 per cent; in England over the same period the comparable figure was 280 per cent." (page 13) and "[classical economists] had discussed at great length the productivity gains available to industry from specialization of function, linked to expanding demand and wider access to markets. They had also pointed to the significance of improved machinery and of advances in the techniques of production in the same context. [Omissis] Yes, in relation to the phenomenon of the industrial revolution, the issue of the availability of new sources of heat energy and mechanical energy is fundamental. It is also a topic with very close links to the question of the escape from dependence on organic sources of raw material supply." (page 27), "In 1800 the output of coal in Britain had reached about 15 million tons a year, at a time when the combined production of the whole of continental Europe probably did not exceed 3 million tons. In 1700, when British output was probably between 2.5 and 3 million tons, it has been estimated that it was five times as large as the output of the whole of the rest of the world. [Omissis] since an acre of woodland probably did not yeld more than about 2 tons of dry wood a year on a sustained basis at the most, it follows that an annual production of, say, 1 million tons of coal provided as much heat as could have been obtained form 1 million acres of forested land. One way of picturing the effect of the beginning of a capitalist element in the energy economy, therefore, is to imagine the cultivable area of the kingdom being increased by 15 million acres toward the end of George III's reign, compared with its area when Elizabeth ascended the throne." (page 54/55) "So enormous was the growth in labour productivity in agriculture [omissis] that one fiftieth of the labour force ca provide for the food needs of the whole population today whereas in organic economies the comparable fraction was commonly four-fifths, and it was evidence of the singular achievements of English agriculture in the early modern period that by 1800 only two-fifths of the adult make labour force worked in agriculture." (page 72) "The whole complex of advances is conceived as mutually reinforcing, so that a momentum of change once established may gather pace as time passes." (page 99) "Atomistic individualism [brought about by capitalism with industrial revolution] was always a convenient abstraction, never a universal historical reality. [omissis] It might be nearer the truth to say that the development of capitalism in England was conditional upon the existence of an efficient and ubiquitous welfare system [omissis]. The system of support created by the old poor law [under the reign of Elizabeth] covered much the same range of life-cycle hazards as are covered by the state today, sometimes on a relative scale uncannily similar to that current nowadays. For example, outrelief for the elderly in the eighteenth century, expressed as a fractino of the daily adult male wage, was not much different from the scale of old age pensions today, similarly expressed. The difference does not lie in the nature or scale of provision made but in the unit through which transfer payments are made; the state has replaced the parish. [omissis] it facilitated the growth of an economy where mobility was high, where contract could supplant custom, where the individual could risk losing intimate contact with kin. The obstacles to rapid economic development described by anthropologists familiar with Third World countries in the recent past were absent or much less prominent in early modern England [by the combination of a capitalist ethos and the provision of a range of welfare services acting as a 'balancing act' and 'social safety net']" (page 120/121) show less
This book, derived from a series of conferences, is replete with data (information, if you previously read anything about the social impacts of show more industrial development) worth pondering, as there is a developing general consensus that our current economic model is being kept alive by financial gimmickry, but increasingly not just neo-Luddites and assorted extremists are here and there suggesting to "rediscover a land-based economy".
Examples: "Between 1550 and 1820 the populations of France, Spain, Germany, Italy and The Netherlands all appear to have grown by between 50 and 80 per cent; in England over the same period the comparable figure was 280 per cent." (page 13) and "[classical economists] had discussed at great length the productivity gains available to industry from specialization of function, linked to expanding demand and wider access to markets. They had also pointed to the significance of improved machinery and of advances in the techniques of production in the same context. [Omissis] Yes, in relation to the phenomenon of the industrial revolution, the issue of the availability of new sources of heat energy and mechanical energy is fundamental. It is also a topic with very close links to the question of the escape from dependence on organic sources of raw material supply." (page 27), "In 1800 the output of coal in Britain had reached about 15 million tons a year, at a time when the combined production of the whole of continental Europe probably did not exceed 3 million tons. In 1700, when British output was probably between 2.5 and 3 million tons, it has been estimated that it was five times as large as the output of the whole of the rest of the world. [Omissis] since an acre of woodland probably did not yeld more than about 2 tons of dry wood a year on a sustained basis at the most, it follows that an annual production of, say, 1 million tons of coal provided as much heat as could have been obtained form 1 million acres of forested land. One way of picturing the effect of the beginning of a capitalist element in the energy economy, therefore, is to imagine the cultivable area of the kingdom being increased by 15 million acres toward the end of George III's reign, compared with its area when Elizabeth ascended the throne." (page 54/55) "So enormous was the growth in labour productivity in agriculture [omissis] that one fiftieth of the labour force ca provide for the food needs of the whole population today whereas in organic economies the comparable fraction was commonly four-fifths, and it was evidence of the singular achievements of English agriculture in the early modern period that by 1800 only two-fifths of the adult make labour force worked in agriculture." (page 72) "The whole complex of advances is conceived as mutually reinforcing, so that a momentum of change once established may gather pace as time passes." (page 99) "Atomistic individualism [brought about by capitalism with industrial revolution] was always a convenient abstraction, never a universal historical reality. [omissis] It might be nearer the truth to say that the development of capitalism in England was conditional upon the existence of an efficient and ubiquitous welfare system [omissis]. The system of support created by the old poor law [under the reign of Elizabeth] covered much the same range of life-cycle hazards as are covered by the state today, sometimes on a relative scale uncannily similar to that current nowadays. For example, outrelief for the elderly in the eighteenth century, expressed as a fractino of the daily adult male wage, was not much different from the scale of old age pensions today, similarly expressed. The difference does not lie in the nature or scale of provision made but in the unit through which transfer payments are made; the state has replaced the parish. [omissis] it facilitated the growth of an economy where mobility was high, where contract could supplant custom, where the individual could risk losing intimate contact with kin. The obstacles to rapid economic development described by anthropologists familiar with Third World countries in the recent past were absent or much less prominent in early modern England [by the combination of a capitalist ethos and the provision of a range of welfare services acting as a 'balancing act' and 'social safety net']" (page 120/121) show less
Segunda edición. Un magnífico libro de introducción, lo que no le impide exponer sus propias tesis, alejándose por completo de los típicos refritos. Se basa en el estudio de la fecundidad y la mortalidad, que considera las variables fundamentales de la evolución demográfica. Pero sobre todo, insiste en la interrelación entre la demografía y los demás aspectos de la sociedad
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- Works
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- Also by
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- Members
- 309
- Popularity
- #76,231
- Rating
- 3.5
- Reviews
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- ISBNs
- 45
- Languages
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