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Henri Lefebvre (1901–1991)

Author of The Production of Space

116 Works 3,474 Members 22 Reviews 3 Favorited

About the Author

Henri Lefebvre (1901-91), former resistance fighter and professor of sociology at Strasbourg and Nanterre, was a member of the French Communist Party from 1928 until his expulsion in 1957. He was the author of sixty books on philosophy, sociology, politics, architecture and urbanism.
Image credit: Henri Lefebvre né le 16 juin 1901 à Hagetmau et mort en 1991 à Navarrenx, est un philosophe français. Il s'est consacré à la sociologie, la géographie et au matérialisme historique en général.

Series

Works by Henri Lefebvre

The Production of Space (1974) 823 copies, 2 reviews
The Urban Revolution (1970) 193 copies
The Sociology of Marx (1968) 157 copies, 1 review
Writings on Cities (1995) 117 copies, 1 review
Dialectical Materialism (1939) — Author — 98 copies, 2 reviews
Le marxisme (1948) 93 copies, 2 reviews
Metaphilosophy (1965) 79 copies
State, Space, World: Selected Essays (2009) 59 copies, 1 review
Le droit à la ville (1974) 37 copies
Logique formelle, logique dialectique (1975) 21 copies, 1 review
Kentsel Devrim (2013) 16 copies
Le langage et la société (1966) 12 copies
O Direito À Cidade (2009) 12 copies
De lo rural a lo urbano (1973) 11 copies
La présence et l'absence (1980) 9 copies
Vers le cybernanthrope (1971) 9 copies
Espacio y política (1980) 9 copies
Nietzsche (1972) 8 copies
La pensée de Lénine (1971) 7 copies
A cidade do capital (1999) — Author — 5 copies
1: Lo Stato nel mondo moderno (1976) 5 copies, 1 review
Síntesis del pensamiento de Marx (1976) 4 copies, 2 reviews
Musset (1997) 4 copies
O PENSAMENTO DE LÊNIN (2020) 3 copies
Prilog estetici (2001) 3 copies
LA VALLÉE DE CAMPAN étude de sociologie rurale (2011) — Author — 3 copies
The right to the city (1978) 3 copies
Misao postala svijetom (1980) 3 copies
Der Marxismus. (1975) 2 copies
Lukács 1955 (1986) 2 copies
Pour connaître la pensée de Lénine (1957) 2 copies, 1 review
Rabelais (ANTHROPOLOGIE) (2001) 2 copies
La somme et le reste (1989) 2 copies
Pignon 2 copies
Kartezjusz (1947) 2 copies
SOCIOLOGÍA DE MARX — Author — 1 copy
O marxismo 1 copy
Neumes (2021) 1 copy
Marx (1947) 1 copy

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24 reviews
I initially came across Henri Lefebvre via his influence on urban studies and spatial planning, which I studied as part of my MPhil. His writing on 'The Right to the City' was very influential; I read the whole piece in the collection [b:Writings on Cities|1010140|Writings on Cities|Henri Lefebvre|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1347635147l/1010140._SY75_.jpg|996264]. Nearly ten years ago, I discovered that his magnum opus was called [b:Critique of show more Everyday Life|18310311|Critique of Everyday Life|Henri Lefebvre|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1398034395l/18310311._SX50_.jpg|87515130] and found that title irresistible. Years later, I found a lovely Verso edition including all three volumes in a charity shop. I began reading it in 2019 and have finally finished two and half years later. There is a lot to say, but first of all: it was not what I expected. The title is in a sense ambiguous. It isn't A critique of everyday life, as I assumed. If anything, critique is a verb. The book does not perform the critique so much as propose and theorise doing so. Moreover, the three volumes are very different books, published in 1947, 1961, and 1981. Reading them in a combined edition with prefaces that were written later provides sufficient context that the reader incidentally gets an intellectual history of twentieth century France. Volume 2 naturally includes reflections upon 1 and volume 3 includes reflections on both. This was one of the most interesting aspects for me, as Lefebvre comments on social and political changes over the decades as well as shifts in his own thought.

As a result of my initial misconceptions, I found [b:Critique of Everyday Life|18310311|Critique of Everyday Life|Henri Lefebvre|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1398034395l/18310311._SX50_.jpg|87515130] harder to read than I expected. Although some chapters do actually critique everyday life, the majority of the book is pure theory rather than applied and not infrequently dense. Lefebvre and the translators are to be commended for the clarity of style; it is the content that makes it challenging. Whole swathes of the book, including nearly the entirety of volume 2, are largely taxonomic in nature. They seek to define everyday life and its critique in exacting detail. I definitely found volume 2 the most demanding to read. Although at times it felt like my eyes were skimming over paragraphs without taking them in, I didn't seriously consider giving up. Lefebvre is an interesting thinker and I had always had the sense this book was worth persisting with.

Volume 1 introduces the concept of everyday life, explains why it should be studied, and situates it within Marxism. Everyday life is articulated throughout as a residue and a base, a set of habitual activities and dynamics generally disregarded as unimportant yet with revolutionary potential. Drawing upon Marxist theory, the concepts of alienation and dialectical materialism are heavily featured:

And that is precisely what human alienation consists in - man torn from his self, from nature, from his own nature, from his consciousness, dragged down and dehumanised by his own social products. This explains how there can be such a thing as a social mystery. Society becomes a mechanism and an organism that ceases to be comprehensible to the very people that participate in it and who maintain it through their labour. Men are what they do, and think according to what they are. And yet they are ignorant of what they do and what they are. Their own works and their own reality are beyond their grasp.


Lefebvre was an anthropologist and philosopher; volumes 1 and 2 essentially set out a detailed Marxist philosophy of anthropology. Lefebvre wrote volume 1 immediately after the end of WWII, before consumer capitalism had really emerged. He comments on leisure, a new category at the time, and defines it in terms of a spontaneous need for a break and distraction from everyday life entailing liberation and pleasure. It is not a genuine escape, he warns:

In this way leisure appears as the non-everyday in the everyday.
We cannot step beyond the everyday. The marvellous can only continue to exist in fiction and the illusions people share. There is no escape. And yet we wish to have the illusion of escape as near to hand as possible. An illusion not entirely illusory, but constituting a 'world' both apparent and real (the reality of appearances and the apparently real) quite different to the everyday world yet as open-ended and closely dovetailed into the everyday as possible. So we work to earn our leisure, and our leisure has only one meaning: to get away from work. A vicious cycle.


Volume 2 appeared after more than a decade had passed, during which time Lefebvre based his academic career on studying everyday life. Yet he begins the second volume by admitting that the aims advanced in the first haven't been achieved. Everyday life is a very slippery thing. Society changed substantially between 1947 and 1961 and not in ways that he envisaged, as he concedes. The aim of volume 2 is a tighter and more exhaustive formulation of the theoretical basis for analysing everyday life. Needs and desires form a key part of this, but are difficult to precisely distinguish:

It is too simple to see desire as qualitative and need as quantitative - the one psychological and sociological (or psycho-social), the other biological and physiological. There are needs that are social, objective, and quantifiable: needs for so many sources of energy, so many houses or schools, etc. Economists and sociologists know these needs well. On the sociological level (to use the still unclarified term 'level'), need and desire still separate one from the other. A single human reality appears with two faces, one brutally objective - the social need (for this or that), the other subtly subjective - desire (for this or for that or for something else by means of this or that, or even for nothing or for the infinite or for pure surprise), with motivations which give meaning to the desired object and to desire itself.

There are many mediations between need and desire. In fact, there is everything: society in its entirety (productive activities and the modes of consumption), culture, the past and history, language, norms, commands and prohibitions, the hierarchy of values and preferences.


In the first chapter of volume 2, Lefebvre defends his overall project from straw men (e.g. 'objections from philosophers') and complains that ad hominem attacks have become common in academia. The prefaces to the 2014 edition provide greater detail of the controversies and fallings-out with which he was involved in the Left-wing French intellectual milieu. The most notable of these featured the Communist Party and the Situationists (who consigned him to 'the dustbin of history'). In the second volume Lefebvre is wary of 'simplification and artificial coherence', so advances a series of carefully defined theoretical concepts. Among other things, he defines level, index, sign, hypothesis, continuity & discontinuity, micro and macro, dimension, structure, and practise.

Volume 2 is thus a toolbox for the critique of everyday life. As a general reader, I found my level of interest varied rather arbitrarily in these chapters, depending on how readily applicable they were to my own unsystematic analysis of everyday life in the 21st century. The theory of the semantic field was quite exhausting, but there was much that proved rewarding. I was amused to find an example (not the first, if I recall correctly) of a twentieth century theorist warning of an ultimate horror exactly like every day on twitter dot com:

At the extreme, signs and significations which are nothing more than significations lose all meaning. At the extreme looms the shadow of what we call 'the great pleonasm': the unmediated passing immediately into the unmediated and the everyday recorded just as it is in the everyday - the event grasped, pulverised, and transmitted as rapidly as light and consciousness - the repetition of the identical in a wild whirling dance devoid of Dionysian rapture, since the 'news' never contains anything really new. If this extreme were reached, the closed circuit of communication and information would jeopardise the unmediated and the mediated alike. It would merge them in a monotonous and Babel-like confusion. The reign of the global would also be the reign of a gigantic tautology, which would kill all dramas after having exploited them shamelessly.

Of course, this situation is still a long way away. It would be a closed circuit, a circuit from hell, a perfect circle in which the absence of communication and communication pushed to the point of paroxysm would meet and their identities would merge. But it will never come full circle. There will always be something new and unforeseen, if only in terms of sheer horror.


Fifty years away, as it turned out. I was also taken with the idea of relative infinity:

If 'the real' cannot be exhausted in a finite series of limited questions formulated in logical and precise terms, to which the interviewee can only answer yes or no, and if in one way or another we must qualify it as being 'non-finite', surely we should take this into account in the representations we use.

The problem goes beyond our frame of reference. There is a law that knowledge still obeys: 'I must stop'. Sooner or later it comes to a halt before an obstacle which also acts as a support: an object. Praxis overcomes it; analysis dissolves it using other means. Knowledge and praxis perceive the non-finite as a possibility, a 'horizon of horizons'. We must not see it as actual infinite. We must make infinity relative.


In addition to heavy theory, volume 2 also includes some elegant metaphors and astutely chosen examples (notably cars, which I always like to see anthropological angles on). Even when the definitions became tiring to read, they undoubtedly forced me to consider the utility of each concept in a new way. Lefebvre is an astute observer and this becomes more evident in volume 3. He again begins by reflecting upon unanticipated social changes, as well as the decline of Marxism in academia. I think the third volume was the most interesting and rewarding, as it builds upon and modifies the prior volumes very well. I appreciated Lefebvre's common sense regarding human rights:

It must be conceded and stated that this hypercriticism has had some disastrous results - for example, the extermination of humanism, philosophical support for human rights. On the pretext that humanism bore the marks of bourgeois liberalism and suspect ideologies, it was blithely trampled underfoot without anything being put in its place.


Volume 3 devotes a lot of time to theorising information as a transformational economic commodity. Replace the word 'information' with 'data' and much of this remains remarkably relevant and insightful. Although Lefebvre doesn't quite foresee surveillance capitalism, he gets a lot closer to doing so than you would expect from someone writing in 1981. An example of his astute commentary on IT: 'There ensued a privatisation of the public and a publicisation of the private, in a constant exchange that mixes them without uniting them and separately them without discriminating between them; and this is still going on'. His analysis is certainly still worth reading in 2022, not least as an unheeded warning: 'If we let things take their course, this pessimistic science fiction scenario will gradually become our familiar landscape, because it is convenient to have a technical device at home that seems to take the whole of everyday life in hand.' This part genuinely prefigures [b:The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power|26195941|The Age of Surveillance Capitalism The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power|Shoshana Zuboff|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1521733914l/26195941._SY75_.jpg|46170685]:

Hence we are not dealing with only - or not so much - with a technocratic utopia or ideology, but with a scientistic mythology - a paradox, what is more, with the myth of an electronic Agora and the disturbing project of the technological extension of the 'audit' intended for internal control of workshops, but capable of being extended to political and police control of spaces much vaster than the enterprise...

These ideologues do not think that they are interpreting the techniques, but that they are estimating them objectively. They refuse to concede that they are presenting, or representing, a tendentious political project. To them, the project seems to follow logically from the technology. Is not technologising the social and political, as opposed to socialising and politicising technology, a choice and a decision?


The final pages neatly synthesise the overall project of all three volumes, which is an astonishingly ambitious one. Whilst I was deep in volume 2, I sometimes lost sight of what Lefebvre was attempting. His theorisation of how everyday life can be studied and critiqued is inevitably incomplete, but it remains remarkable nonetheless. Despite finding it slow to read, I think [b:Critique of Everyday Life|18310311|Critique of Everyday Life|Henri Lefebvre|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1398034395l/18310311._SX50_.jpg|87515130] is worth the time and effort. It is rewarding both for its content and context, such as observing Lefebvre's changes of perspective (including on women). Knowing what I know now, I think volume 3 is the most accessible and immediately useful of the three if you can't face the whole thing. While long-winded and dense at times, [b:Critique of Everyday Life|18310311|Critique of Everyday Life|Henri Lefebvre|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1398034395l/18310311._SX50_.jpg|87515130] is strikingly original and retains relevance and insight. Some parts are of mostly historical interest, while others are disconcertingly contemporary. Lefebvre convinced me that everyday life is worthy of analysis and critique. I think his work still deserves to be discussed in the 21st century.
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Lefebvre’s [b:Critique of Everyday Life|1443432|Critique of Everyday Life|Henri Lefebvre|https://images.gr-assets.com/books/1374000454s/1443432.jpg|1434077] has been on my to read list for many years. Unfortunately my local library doesn’t have it, so I borrowed the Lefebvre book it does have in order to decide whether to buy the 912 page edition of the Critique. Having finished ‘Writings on Cities’, I am disinclined to buy that somewhat overwhelming volume yet. I’ll keep an eye show more out for volume 1 in second hand book shops, though. ‘Writings on Cities’ was a somewhat mixed experience. As can be the case with collections of theory, the introduction is far too long (60 pages!) and dense - the most difficult part of the book to read. I also found the translation hard going at times; I’m loath to assume that Lefebvre himself was obscure without seeing the French. On the one hand I enjoyed learning some new words, on the other I disliked the use of ‘nuance’ and ‘rhythm’ as verbs. There were also more typos than you would expect in an academic book.

The selection of pieces was nonetheless interesting. The longest at 120 pages is ‘The Right to the City’, published in 1968. This seemed insightful of its time and thus somewhat distant from the neoliberal cities of today. The most memorable element was Lefebvre’s application of Marxist distinction between use and exchange value in an urban context. I also appreciated this commentary on the consumption of signs:

In the ideology of consumption and in ‘real’ consumption (in quotations), the consumption of signs plays an increasing role. It does not repress the consumption of ‘pure’ spectacles, without activity and participation, without oeuvre or product. It adds to it and superimposes itself upon it as a determination. It is thus that advertising of consumer goods becomes the principal means of consumption; it tends to incorporate art, literature, poetry, and to supplant them by using them as rhetoric. It thus becomes becomes itself the ideology of society; each ‘object’, each ‘good’ splits itself into reality and image, this being an essential part of consumption. One consumes signs as well as objects: signs of happiness, of satisfaction, of power, of wealth, of science, of technology, etc. [...] Consequently, he who conceives the city and urban reality as a system of signs implicitly hands them over to consumption as integrally consumable: as exchange value in its pure state.


(I think ‘thus’ is overused in initial sentences of that passage, something I’m definitely also guilty of. It makes such a nice sound!) ‘The Right to the City’ also contains thoughtful points about the contradictions of the urban, ‘between the socialisation of society and generalised segregation’. Lefebvre’s more detailed commentary on segregation seemed broadly still applicable, although neoliberalism has intensified the tendencies that he describes to febrile levels. At times the prose was quasi-poetic to the point of incomprehensibility, though: ‘Reflection emphasises articulations so that delineations do not disarticulate the real but follow articulations’. The shorter pieces, later in the book and written in subsequent decades, seemed more immediately applicable to the twenty-first century city. This paragraph is especially on the nose:

The much vaunted neo-liberalism in this case simply means submitting everything to circulation. One thinks of this plan by Le Corbusier which gets rid of the city and replaces it with giant houses where everything is given over to circulation. Le Corbusier was a good architect but a catastrophic urbanist, who prevented us from thinking about the city as a place where different groups can meet, where they may be in conflict but also form alliances, and where they can participate in a collective oeuvre. I fear that liberalism will be a ‘free for all’, a space abandoned to speculation and the car.


‘Writings on Cities’ was doubtless worth the effort, despite requiring more effort than I’d hoped. It ends with the charming concept of ‘rhythmanalysis’, which involves experiencing the patterns of the city like a piece of music. I would have liked to read a bit more about that and less of the rather dated discussion of bureaucracy in ‘The Right to the City’. Lefebvre strikes me as an intriguing writer, although I’m not sure that the selection and translation of material here necessarily shows him at his best.
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This was sometimes a turgid, turgid tome with seemingly infinite time to spend on allusive and outwardly impenetrable arcana like French Communist Party politics of the early sixties, and then other times really coolly forwardthinking about unexpected matters (forwardthinking meaning these things later became relative commonplaces but I wouldn't have expected in 1962), like real estate and especially art as the last redoubt of profit, of pure imaginary money under late capitalism, or Marxian show more irony as an antidote to structuralist-Marxist positivism. But then also kind of weirdly tired, sometimes, and you wonder exactly what it is about the ideas that you take as before their time and the ones that you just take as cliches because it seems they shouldn't be particularly easy to distinguish actually--examples here might be Socrates as authenticity bank and all-things-to-all-peoples for future writers, or the idea that a new romanticism was emerging out of the particular prosperous youthful cynicism of the baby boom (I think this is the French pre-1968 version of the difference between the hippie boomers and the so-called "silent generation," their gimlet-eyed predecessors). But then it also has a lot of play and perruque and formal experimentation that never gets too heavy but makes you laugh (fake letters to the editors of soviet arts magazines, dialogues between outraged middlebrow-but-decent citizens and smarmy intellectuals who lived their first lives as sleazy monks in the age of Rabelais and have haunted "the scene" as revenants ever since). These are sort of random examples, since this is a thick book. You could dip in and see if it's your thing. show less
interesting for pointing out the new significance of the middle class and global supply chains in daily life; unfortunately fails to develop a coherent critique or theory of information in daily life
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Works
116
Members
3,474
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#7,323
Rating
½ 3.6
Reviews
22
ISBNs
241
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