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About me"The mind that is not baffled is not employed" - Wendell Berry

"I'm a loser at the top of my game" - Tom Petty

Notable Quotes:

*Current Problems*

Foreign Policy: "The watchword of the American security establishment since the cold war has been “credibility”. The idea is that if America is to maintain its status as a superpower and a world policeman, then its international commitments must be clear and believable. Anything less, it is argued, would leave America’s friends and foes confused. And confusion could lead to miscalculation, raising the risk of conflict. That prediction may now be coming true, as a number of regional conflicts flare up around the world — against a background of an incoherent and unpredictable US foreign policy led by Donald Trump, the president who tweets compulsively, insults allies, praises dictators and discards close advisers like used tissues."
- Gideon Rachman, "What Happens When the World Cannot Rely on the US?" (Financial Times, August 9, 2019)

Fiscal Policy: "A strong case can be made that World War II, however devastating in terms of deaths and casualties among the American military (albeit much less than the greater toll of deaths and wounded among other combatants), nevertheless represented an economic miracle that rescued the American economy from the secular stagnation of the late 1930s. In fact...the case is overwhelming for the 'economic rescue' interpretation of World War II along every conceivable dimension, from education and the GI Bill to the deficit-financed mountain of household saving that gave a new middle class the ability to purchase the consumer durables made possible by the Second Industrial Revolution."
- Robert J. Gordon, The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (2016)

Social Policy: "The most important negative feature of American exceptionalism was the inability of the political system to adopt universal health insurance, defined as insurance that is a right of citizenship rather than being dependent on employment. Why should households suffering from devastating loss of income through unemployment also lose services to prevent diseases and ultimately death? Bismarck figured out this greatest of all economic policy issues in the 1880s, but even now an efficient system of the provision of medical care as a right of citizenship has thus far eluded the American political system."
- Robert J. Gordon, The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (2016)

Inequality: "For me, the most maddening failure of the liberal elite was that too many of its members became indifferent to the declining share of corporate income devoted to wages. By the early 1980s, you could see clear evidence of their growing interest in accumulating wealth for themselves, of their focus on corporate profits that would pay them dividends and increase the value of their stocks; 'Wall Street Week' soared to popularity on PBS - it was the 'Downton Abbey' of its time. Profits have increased since the 1980s, yet wages have stagnated."
- Charles Peters, "I Remember When Appalachia Wasn't Trump Country" (New York Times, March 4, 2017)

*Politics and Society*

It was ever thus: "The greatest difficulty lies, in setting a huge massy body in motion. To point out to mankind their real interest, is easy enough; but to convince them of their duty, and to persuade those who are activated by different views, and subject to different passions, to lay aside their prejudices, to give up a strong attachment to their immediate interests, and to act in mutual concert, for the good of the whole, is an arduous task."
-- "Libertas at Natale Solum," South-Carolina Gazette (August 20, 1770)

We live in a republic, not a democracy: “Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.”
-- Edmund Burke (1774)

"Democracy is also a form of worship. It is the worship of Jackals by Jackasses."
- H.L. Mencken

"The whole problem with the world is that fools and fanatics are always so certain of themselves, and wiser people so full of doubts."
- Ascribed to Bertrand Russell

"In a dying civilization, political prestige is the reward not of the shrewdest diagnostician, but of the man with the best bedside manner. It is the decoration conferred on mediocrity by ignorance."
- Eric Ambler, The Mask of Dimitrios (1939)

"Simple minds understand the simple language of the victorious sword much more easily than they can grasp the cautious word with which the pen slowly binds together the results of claim and counterclaim, of compromise and concession. And simple minds are always in the majority."
- Erich Eyck, A History of the Weimar Republic (1962)

"We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both."
- Louis D. Brandeis (Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, 1916-1939)

"Never attribute to malice that which is adequately explained by stupidity."
- Robert Hanlon

"'Relativism' is the view that every belief on a certain topic, or perhaps about any topic, is as good as every other. No one holds this view. Except for the occasional cooperative freshman, one cannot find anybody who says that two incompatible opinions on an important topic are equally good."
- Richard Rorty, The Consequences of Pragmatism (1982)

"Democracy, to me, is liberty plus economic security. To put it in plain language, we Americans want to talk, pray, think as we please - and eat regular."
- Rep. Maury Maverick, D-TX (1937)

"Because the United States has preserved its Constitution in aspic, it continues to run its politics based on assumptions current in the 18th century rather than the 21st century, with rank and privilege continuing to be politically very important."
- Trevor Burnard, "An Infatuation with Titles: Hereditary Privilege and Liberty in the Era of the American Revolution," Historically Speaking 13, no. 2 (2012)

"A constitution is not intended to embody a particular economic theory, whether of paternalism and the organic relation of the citizen to the state or of laissez faire. It is made for people of fundamentally differing views, and the accident of our finding certain opinions natural and familiar, or novel, and even shocking, ought not to conclude our judgment upon the question of whether statutes embodying them conflict with the Constitution of the United States."
- Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., Lochner v. New York (1905)

"Because of the way decision-making authority is dispersed in the American political system, the advocates of a stronger central state have had to win support (or at least acquiescence) in all three branches of the federal government; their opponents have often been able to block them or to force them to moderate their proposals by exerting a decisive influence in only one branch. The moments at which all the necessary elements come into alignment, and at which truly dramatic increases in state power are therefore possible, have proven to be few in number and short in duration."
- Aaron L. Friedberg, In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy (2000)

"The rights of mankind are simple. They require no learning to unfold them. They are better felt, than explained. Hence in matters that relate to liberty, the mechanic and the philosopher, the farmer and the scholar, are all upon a footing. But the case is widely different with respect to government. It is a complicated science, and requires abilities and knowledge of a variety of other subjects, to understand it."
- Benjamin Rush, "To the Freemen of the United States," Pennsylvania Gazette (1787)

"Business elements [in the 1890s] kept alive the antigovernment sentiment, [sociologist Lester Frank] Ward contended, not because they believed in laissez faire but because they feared that if the laissez-faire philosophy were abandoned, government would consider the unequal distribution of wealth, which was the greatest evil of society, as within its purview and, in coping with this problem, would trench on the domain of those who benefited most from the status quo. When big business cried paternalism, it was therefore merely referring to government action that would recognize the claim of the 'defenseless laborer and artisan' to a share of the state protection afforded business." [Plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose]
- Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State (1956)

"Businessmen have a different set of delusions from politicians; and need, therefore, different handling. They are, however, much milder than politicians, at the same time allured and terrified by the glare of publicity, easily persuaded to be 'patriots,' perplexed, bemused, indeed terrified, yet only too anxious to take a cheerful view, vain perhaps but very unsure of themselves, pathetically responsive to a kind word. You could do anything you liked with them, if you would treat them (even the big ones), not as wolves and tigers, but as domestic animals by nature, even though they have been badly brought up and not trained as you would wish. It is a mistake to think that they are more immoral than politicians. If you work them into the surly, obstinate, terrified mood, of which domestic animals, wrongly handled, are so capable, the nation's burdens will not get carried to the market; and in the end public opinion will veer in their way."
-John Maynard Keynes, letter to FDR (February 1938)

"For if you teach a people for ten years that the character of its government is not greatly important, that political success is for those who equivocate and evade, and if you tell them that acquisitiveness is the ideal, that things are what matter, that Mammon is God, then you must not be astonished at the confusion in Washington…. It is not only against the material consequences of this decade of drift and hallucination, but against the essence of its spirit that the best and bravest among us are today in revolt."
- Walter Lippmann, New York Herald Tribune (May 20, 1932)

"Our danger is neither from 'radicalism' or 'conservatism' but from incoherence and paralysis. What we have to fear is the inability of the government to determine policies and execute them…. For we are suffering not from tyranny but from weakness, not from evil purposes but from confused purposes, not from stupidity but from impotence."
- Walter Lippmann, New York Herald Tribune (July 19, 1932)

"A nation that demands of its government only the maintenance of order is already a slave at the bottom of its heart; it is a slave to its well-being, and the man who is to put it in chains can appear."
- Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Vol. 2, 1840)

On the Progressive Viewpoint: "The native [American] ethos of mass participation in politics and citizenlike civic consciousness…confirmed the idea that everyone was in some very serious sense responsible for everything."
- Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to FDR (1955)

*Economic Arguments*

"Maximum wealth, badly distributed, does not lead to maximum happiness."
- Guido Calabresi, "The New Economic Analysis of Law: Scholarship, Sophistry, or Self-Indulgence?", Proceedings of the British Academy 68 (1982)

"It has been the function of the liberal tradition in American politics, from the time of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy down through Populism, Progressivism, and the New Deal, at first to broaden the numbers of those who could benefit from the great American bonanza and then to humanize its workings and help heal the casualties."
- Richard Hoftstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to FDR (1955)

"There is no little irony in the fact that inflation was the dominant fear in the depths of the Great Depression, when deflation was the real and present danger."
- Barry Eichengreen, Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919-1939 (1992)

"I experienced at first hand the evolution of macroeconomics from literary exposition - where propositions seemed plausible but never completely convincing - into a mathematical discipline - where propositions were logically convincing but never completely plausible."
- Mervyn King, The End of Alchemy: Money, Banking, and the Future of the Global Economy (2016)

"One way to think about economic models is as fables...They are simple and are set in abstract environments. They make no claim to realism for many of their assumptions. While they seem to be populated by real people and firms, the behavior of the principal characters is drawn in highly stylized form. Inanimate objects ('random shocks,' 'exogenous parameters,' 'nature') often feature in the model and drive the action. The story line revolves around clear cause-and-effect, if-then relationships. And the moral - or policy implication, as economists call it - is typically quite transparent: free markets are efficient, opportunistic behavior in strategic interactions can leave everyone worse off, incentives matter, and so on.
- Dani Rodrik, Economics Rules: The Rights and Wrongs of the Dismal Science (2015)

"One of the properties of internally consistent economic models is their enormous survival power. The predictions they generate may be demonstrably inaccurate. But, after the fact, confidence in the essential truth of the theoretical system can be salvaged so long as it can provide reasons to account for the discrepancy between the expectation and reality."
- William J. Barber, From New Era to New Deal: Herbert Hoover, the Economists, and American Economic Policy, 1921-1933 (1985)

"The point is to realize that economic models are metaphors, not truth. By all means express your thoughts in models, as pretty as possible…. But always remember that you may have gotten the metaphor wrong, and that someone else with a different metaphor may be seeing something that you are missing."
- Paul Krugman, "How I Work" (New York Times, July 5, 2013)

"If the right stylized facts can be used as a basis for theory, and theorists have good indications of the relative quantitative importance of various phenomena, it is clearly far more likely that the theory itself can make a useful contribution."
(Translation: Theories based on reality seem to be more realistic and useful.)
- Anne O. Krueger, "Trade Policy and Economic Development: How We Learn" (1997)

"Essentially, all models are wrong, but some are useful."
- George E. P. Box & Norman R. Draper, Empirical Model Building and Response Surfaces (1987)

"The advance of behavioral economics is not fundamentally in conflict with mathematical economics, as some seem to think, though it may well be in conflict with some currently fashionable mathematical economic models.
- Robert J. Shiller, Is Economics a Science? (2013)

"The prevailing emphasis on mathematical and logical rigor has given economics an internal consistency that is missing in other social sciences. But there is little value in being consistently wrong."
- John Quiggen, Zombie Economics (2010)

"To put it bluntly, the discipline of economics has yet to get over its childish passion for mathematics and for purely theoretical and often highly ideological speculation, at the expense of historical research and collaboration with the other social sciences."
- Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2014)

"The measure of success attained by Wall Street, regarded as an institution of which the proper social purpose is to direct new investment into the most profitable channels in terms of future yield, cannot be claimed as one of the outstanding triumphs of laissez-faire capitalism, which is not surprising if I am right in thinking that the best brains of Wall Street have been in fact directed towards a different object."
- John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936)

"Keynes was a great and important man. But it is possible to describe the evolution of fiscal policy in America up to 1940 without reference to him. And yet, by the outbreak of the war a large part of the fiscal revolution had already occurred. It was accepted policy that we would run deficits in depressions, that we would not raise taxes in depressions in an attempt to balance the budget, and that in severe depressions we would raise expenditures, at least for relief and probably for recovery. We no longer believed that depressions were necessarily short and self-terminating, and we did not think depression deficits, even if fairly large and prolonged, would lead to national bankruptcy. Keynes helped this policy and these attitudes to emerge...but he was not indispensable for their emergence."
- Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (1969)

"A heavy progressive tax upon a very large fortune is in no way such a tax upon thrift or industry as a like tax would be on a small fortune. No advantage comes either to the country as a whole or to the individuals inheriting the money by permitting the transmission in their entirety of the enormous fortunes which would be affected by such a tax; and as an incident to its function of revenue raising, such a tax would help to preserve a measurable equality of opportunity for the people of the generations growing to manhood."
- President Theodore Roosevelt (1907)

"But the best state for human nature is that in which, while no one is poor, no one desires to be richer, nor has any reason to fear from being thrust back, by the efforts of others to push themselves forward."
- John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political Economy (1886)

"Economists have to start innocent of all distracting ideas. They have to have minds sufficiently empty to construct or accept those axiomatic models of human behavior that are their bread and butter. Late adolescence is the ideal time to start such a training."
- Robert & Edward Skidelsky, How Much is Enough? (2012)

"Society refuses to turn itself into a giant vending machine that delivers anything and everything in return for the proper number of coins. When members of my [economics] profession sometimes lose sight of this principle, they invite the nastiest definition of an economist: the person who knows the price of everything and the value of nothing. Society needs to keep the market in its place. The domain of rights is part of the checks and balances on the market designed to preserve values that are not denominated in dollars. For the same reasons that an investor holds many different stocks and bonds in his portfolio, society diversifies its mechanisms for distribution and allocation. It won't put all of its eggs in the market's basket."
- Arthur M. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (1975)

"It is not human beings who need adapting to the market; it is the marketplace that needs adapting to human beings."
- Robert & Edward Skidelsky, How Much is Enough? (2012)

"If it is true that the economy must be deferred to, then there is a case not only for constraining the imprudent actions of the prince but for repressing those of the people, for limiting participation, in short, for crushing anything that could be interpreted by some economist-king as a threat to the proper functioning of the 'delicate watch'."
- Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (1977)

"How many people ruin themselves by laying out money on trinkets of frivolous utility? What pleases these lovers of toys, is not so much the utility as the aptness of the machines which are fitted to promote it. All their pockets are stuffed with little conveniences. They contrive new pockets, unknown in the clothes of other people, in order to carry a greater number."
- Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759)

*Understanding Adam Smith*

"With his notion of the invisible hand Adam Smith may be regarded as having founded modern normative economics. The claim that the market mechanism tended to promote the public interest led later generations of economists to explore both the concept of competitive markets and measures of the public interest in order to discover the conditions under which Smith's claim could be justified in more precise analytical terms. The part of economic theory that embodies the results of these explorations is known as welfare economics, and the core of the theory is the establishment of an equivalence between a competitive equilibrium and what is known as a Pareto optimum...A Pareto optimum...is essentially a situation where there is no waste in the economy: it is impossible to improve the outcome for one individual without making somebody worse off. Consequently, the conclusion is that the market economy under ideal conditions generates a situation where there is no waste; society's resources are used in an efficient manner....

[But] it may come as a disappointment to those who have found inspiration in Smith's vision of the market economy as a system working for the common good. For Smith's 'system of perfect liberty' modern theorists have substituted a notion of perfect competition that is so abstract and stylized that it is hardly recognizable as a representation of actual markets. And instead of the public interest they have introduced the concept of Pareto optimality that avoids the troublesome aggregation of individual interests but at the cost that hardly any institutional or political reform can unequivocally be said to be in the interest of society as a whole.

However, when it comes to the practical applications of economic theory to issues of economic policy, many modern economists would probably adopt a position that is in fact not very far from that of Smith... [R]egarding the public interest, many would subscribe to the opinion that...a system of free markets would be the best guarantee for an economic and social development that in the long run would benefit all classes in society. They would probably also emphasize that this conclusion hinges not on the analysis of the market system alone but also on the nature of the coexistence between markets and government....

One important role of the government, according to Smith, was to provide the institutional framework required for competitive markets to function...Smith also acknowledged that, although well-functioning markets were good for society, individual producers might well find it in their individual interests to limit competition by entering into 'conspiracies against the publick.' Therefore, an important role for government was to design an economic system that as far as possible discouraged the creation of private cartels and monopolies.

A further role of the state is to provide goods and services for which the market system does not provide the right incentives for private producers to supply them. Such goods are known in modern economics as public goods, and in regard to these Adam Smith argues that the role of the state consists in 'erecting and maintaining certain publick works and certain publick institutions, which it can never be for the interests of any individual, or small number of individuals, to erect and maintain'... Just as in the modern theory of public goods, Smith's emphasis is on the failure of private incentives when it comes to providing public goods at the efficient level... In the language of modern economics these are cases of market failure.

Another contribution that Smith makes to the economics of the public sector comes in his analysis of taxation. Taxes are required to finance the provision of public goods and services... Regarding equity he argues that '[t]he subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government, as nearly as possible, in proportion...to the revenue which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the state'... The individual's income is a measure of both his ability to pay taxes and of the benefits receives from the government. The larger his income, the greater the benefits that he receives from a safe environment for his economic activities."
- Agnar Sandmo, 'Adam Smith and Modern Economics,' in Adam Smith: His Life, Thought, and Legacy (2018)

"In Wealth [of Nations] property is necessary but not sufficient, and Adam Smith supplies the essential Discovery Axiom that fuels wealth creation: 'the propensity to truck, barter and exchange'... Just as in [The Theory of Moral] Sentiments, it is process all the way up; it's not about the whiteboard mechanics of market clearing prices and outcomes, based on specialization, that creates wealth; it's about the discovery of prices, whose very existence calls for comparisons that otherwise would not be made between one's own circumstances and that of all others as revealed in prices as they form; prices provide the connection between the individual and all others in economic commerce, just as the 'impartial spectator' is the connecting link between the individual and all others in social commerce. This price discovery perspective in Wealth was lost in the neoclassical marginal revolution and its aftermath....

Each of Smith's two books models human betterment: Sentiments is devoted to social psychological betterment achieved through mutual sympathy and consensual rules of conduct, rules that define the boundaries within which our actions are not subject to resentment by others and may invoke gratitude from others; Wealth is about how exchange and specialization enable economic betterment, based on rules of property that define the boundaries within which we are free to take action....

Sentiments, already eclipsed by Wealth in 1790 when the sixth and final edition was published, represents not so much a legacy lost, as one that failed to achieve traction, an entire means of thinking that established no foothold on economics as the nineteenth and particularly the twentieth centuries turned to utilitarianism. The acclaim of Wealth was spectacularly justified but obscured Smith's equally penetrating examination of the pre-civil rules of order that emerge in culture."
- Vernon L. Smith, "Adam Smith and Experimental Economics," in Adam Smith: His Life, Thought, and Legacy (2018)

"A great deal of the confusion surrounding [Adam] Smith's presumption about human motivation and his assessment of the usefulness of different kinds of motives has tended to arise from not distinguishing between (1) people's reasons for seeking trade and (2) the motivations that make different kinds of economic activities, including trading, successful and stable. It is in answer to the first question that Smith noted the adequacy of the motive of self-seeking. He noted that to explain why people seek trade and pursue exchange, we do not have to go beyond the simple pursuit of self-interest. In this most famous and widely quoted passage from the Wealth of Nations (very popular in mainstream economics as well as in the specialized discipline that has come to be called 'law and economics,' and also in so-called rational choice politics), Smith wrote, 'It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity but to their self-love....' The butcher, the brewer, and the baker want to get our money in exchange for the meat, the beer, and the bread they make, and we - the consumers - want their meat, beer, and bread and are ready to pay for them with our money. The exchange benefits us all, and we do not have to be raving altruists to find reason to seek such and exchange. This is a fine point about motivation for trade...but it is not a claim about the adequacy of self-seeking for the success of a society or even of the market economy, or even the success and sustainability of trade and exchange.

Indeed, a market economy demands a variety of values for its success, including mutual trust and confidence.... Smith discussed why such confidence need not always exist. Even though the champions of the baker-brewer-butcher reading of Smith, enshrined in many economic books, may be at a loss about how to understand the recent economic crisis of 2008...,the devastating consequences of mistrust and the shattering of mutual confidence that was an important feature of the crises would not have appeared puzzling to Adam Smith."
- Amartya Sen, "Adam Smith and Economic Development," in Adam Smith: His Life, Thought, and Legacy (2018)

"It is one thing to see the market as being populated by rational, self-interested, acquisitive individual agents. It is quite another to develop a theory of value and distribution by translating that general characterization of economic man into a formal model of constrained optimization. Almost no political economist of any period would have been troubled by adopting the general characterization. But it was not until the advent of the marginalist approach to the determination of relative prices [in the 1870s] that this general idea was reformulated so as to become the basis of a theory of value. So ingrained has this model become that it is sometimes difficult to see beyond it when one looks back to writers of the past. It is often the case that when the idea of self-interested behaviour is encountered in earlier works, an interpretation is cast in these terms - an interpretation thus framed in a conceptual and theoretical language that would not have been available to the thinker concerned.
- Murray Milgate & Shannon C. Stimson, After Adam Smith: A Century of Transformation in Politics and Political Economy (2009)

*Historical Methods*

"Political theorists...tend to believe that the history of political thought can be studied as a search for enduring answers to perennial questions that can enhance contemporary political thought. Historians, on the other hand, tend to hold that ideas are the products of particular circumstances and particular moments in time and that using them for present purposes is a distortion of their original historical meaning.... It's the theorists' claim that their present-day use of past ideas is true to the original way they were used in the past that historians quarrel with."
- Gordon S. Wood, The Purpose of the Past (2008)

"Historians draw on facts to construct stories. Political scientists arrange facts to validate hypotheses. For historians, facts are like stones: if sorted and stacked with sufficient skill, something of lasting value might result. For political scientists, facts serve as ornaments, selected and displayed in accordance with a predetermined design. For this reason, even the best political science seldom makes for good history."
- Andrew J. Bacevich, "Review Essay," Diplomacy and Statecraft 19, no. 4 (2008)

"The historian who becomes an advocate or a prosecutor instead of a judge forfeits his title to confidence, and, if he aspires to be a judge, he should not try a case by a code unknown to the defendant."
- Henry Charles Lea, "Ethical Values in History," American Historical Review 9, no. 2 (1904)

"But historians who write for the public need to keep in mind…that their books must have ideas as well as narrative, a point of view as well as stories. Too many histories written today for public consumption are biographies, many of them celebratory; and too few of them are analytical by any measure of that term.
- James M. Banner, Jr., "On Being a Historian," Historically Speaking 13, no. 4 (2012)

Attention Budding Writers: "The more alterations Congress made on his draft [Declaration of Independence], the more miserable Jefferson became. He had forgotten, as has posterity, that a draftsman is not an author, and that the 'declaration on independence,' as Congress sometimes called it, was not a novel, or a poem, or even a political essay presented to the world as the work of a particular writer, but a public document, an authenticated expression of the American mind...And what generations of Americans came to revere was not Jefferson's but Congress's Declaration, the work not of a single man, or even of a committee, but of a larger body of men with the good sense to recognize a 'pretty good' draft when they saw it, and who were able to identify and eliminate Jefferson's more outlandish assertions and unnecessary words."
- Pauline Maier, American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence (1997)

About my libraryThis collection includes only books that are sitting on my shelves, staring at me. Works of history dominate, mainly modern American and world history. Reflecting my professional experience and teaching focus, diplomatic and economic studies account for sizeable shares of my collection.

GroupsNone

Favorite authorsDaron Acemoglu, Fred Anderson, Warren I. Cohen, Barry Eichengreen, Richard Hofstadter, Michael Kazin, Fredrik Logevall, James A. Morone, Heather Cox Richardson, Daniel T. Rodgers, Dani Rodrik, Emma Rothschild, George Sansom, Jonathan D. Spence, Alan Taylor, Adam Tooze, Richard White, C. Vann Woodward (Shared favorites)

Real namePhilip Wall

LocationSeattle

Account typepublic, lifetime

URLs /profile/walbat (profile)
/catalog/walbat (library)

Member sinceOct 19, 2008

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