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America and Cosmic Man (1949)

by Wyndham Lewis

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Am a fan of Lewis' prose and his fiction, but this is weak, especially with the benefit of having seen his prognostications of a quasi-Fukuyaman end of history collapsing before our eyes. ( )
  Duffyevsky | Aug 19, 2022 |
America and Cosmic Man is preoccupied with the notion that a new human type has developed in America. In Lewis’s view, U.S. citizenship is something as unique as it is extraordinary; it differs radically from what in Europe is understood by “nationality.” The United States is afrag-mentary, most imperfect, and in some respects grotesque advance-copy of a future world-order…. It is a Brotherhood rather than a “People.” Americans have something more than nationality. In its place they have what amounts almost to a religion; a “way of life.”...

It is in his chapters on the three presidents—the three political mes-siahs of the twentieth century—whom he has chosen as his representative figures that Lewis is at once most perceptive and most devastating. “All that he did,” he writes of Franklin Roosevelt, “whether wittingly or not—and much he was responsible for—was good. He was, however, the archetype of the democratic autocrat—the ‘Tsar’ or ‘Caesar.’ Though—typically—not a New Dealer, he was firmly cemented into a Caesarian power by that remarkable organization [the New Deal]—since Jefferson’s democratic societies the greatest revolutionary phenomenon in the United States.”...

There remains the question, raised at the beginning of this article, of why America and Cosmic Man was almost totally ignored when it was published in 1948—certainly by academic historians. The answers are probably obvious enough. It fell under no recognizable historical canon. Its author was not a historian, nor was the book orthodox history, or even unorthodox history. In my view, it belongs with such classics as William Carlos Williams’s In the American Grain and D. H. Lawrence’s Studies in Classic American Literature.
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I do not see how England and America as nations can ever have a very close understanding, the incompatibilities are too numerous.
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Prominent colonists, among them some educated in England —all fine gentlemen, in the eighteenth-century English style, in wigs, lace, and knee breeches, bowing gracefully to one another, making sweeps with their hats, and taking snuff as they conversed—met at Philadelphia: these were the so-called Founding Fathers, who provided the new country with a Constitution. This sacrosanct State document is venerated as if Jehovah had stepped out of a cloud and handed it to General Washington. Its terms have been religiously observed ever since, by Swede, Swiss, Pole, Chinese, Jew, and even by the Irish. Only Lincoln acted as if it were not there and paid with his life for this sacrilege.
Theodore Roosevelt had declared, in his inimitable way, “McKinley has no more backbone than a chocolate eclair.” No one should stamp on anyone smaller than himself in Uncle Sam’s back yard!

McKinley played the chocolate eclair as long as he could: the fire-eaters in his Party, thirsting for profits or for glory, were difficult to withstand. But someone, or something, blew up the U.S. battleship Maine in Havana Harbor. Two hundred and sixty lives were lost. There was nothing much the most backboneless man could do after that. It was war. Theodore Roosevelt, dressed as a cowboy, started, in a blaze of publicity, on his road to the presidency.
Wilson preferred power to his conscience, and stopped where he was. Eventually—with suitable high-minded attitudes—he allowed himself to be pushed into war. In conclusion, it must never be forgotten that, the war over, he turned down an appeal for the release of Debs, who had been sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for expressing his abhorrence of war.
The Republic, with its “rigid” Constitution—except for this big hiatus in the sixties, given over to fratricide—has run smoothly along: chopping down trees, killing Indians, and building up larger and larger factories, taller and taller houses. The “wild land” of the interior gradually became covered with cities—all much the same. There is, in fact, so little complication that you can concentrate upon the economic and political birth and development of this titanic State-organism.
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