Richard Levins (1930–2016)

Middle Class Union Made was so elementarily written it is difficult to understand it was authored by a Professor Emeritus of Applied Economics. Dr. Levins makes arguments for unionization and anti-globalization that any uneducated Communist Kinko's Copy fanzine editor would put forth. Philosophizing on the simple notion any blue collar clock-puncher has, the Professor plays on these base ideas to argue against individual ownership and profit.

A short book, barely reaching 90 pages, Richard show more Levins utilizes a few citations and learned-sounding terms to reinforce simple ideas any wage earner already thinks. No matter which way the poor or middle class citizen turns, they are fleeced by the "hyper-rich." Apparently there are no just-rich-enough citizens residing in the demilitarized zone between the last middle class earner and ultra rich taker, or they are immune from any dynamics of an economy in turmoil and therefore not worth involving in this dissertation. From home mortgages tricking the poor into high-interest loans they will default on in no uncertain terms, the ultra-wealthy use homes like a bait station, suffering no consequences of foreclosure costs to reducing the business model to a ludicrous equation. Worker earns $2 from $10 of production = wealthy boss pockets $8, as if no other costs are involved.

Throughout the book he equates the adjective tax(es) that corporations request we pay to the noun that governments require we pay. Sure, there are some essentials we might pay more than we think is fair, but generally, what we consume (buy) is voluntary. Yet, Dr. Levins equates these higher product costs with a governmental levy we are duty bound to remit.

Ultimately, like so many Leftists, the author contends that politicians are so weak when it comes to monetary influence the rich run rough-shod over them, gaining subsidies and regulations so lax we are on the verge of slavery. Yet if we could legislate away corporate power, the people would install a more equitable body of elected officials. After lambasting the "hyper-rich" through the whole book, he shares "[t]he secret to economic power is the ability to play one person against another." Ironically, in his conclusion, he represents the rich as corrupt by successfully engendering a class war environment to keep their power, however the people will form unions and become "strong enough to play one corporation against another" to gain the upper hand. In effect, the rules of winning are understood, and are only detestable when the opposition employs them.

Over all, I learned the "hyper-rich" are immune to any downturn in economic stability but unfairly reap the benefits of surges. The poor and middle class are victimized by home ownership for a number of reasons and "[a]n ownership society is a landlord society." And the government unwittingly facilitating the domination of the most wealthy is the same government unions can turn into a better arbiter of resources and equality. show less

Like "Intelligent Design", this is just another attempt to mimic science within the constraints of a pre-established belief system -- and in this case a system that is now, thankfully, largely extinct. For an illustration of why we should be thankful, see especially the chapter on Lysenkoism, rife with this sort of banal, depersonalized apology for mass murder: "The pressing demand to feed the urban population forced collectivization to proceed much faster than the political state of the show more countryside could support." show less