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Leon Trotsky (1879–1940)

Author of History of the Russian Revolution

791+ Works 7,746 Members 72 Reviews 16 Favorited

About the Author

Leon Trotsky was born Lev Davidovich Bronshteyn on November 7, 1879 in Yanovka, Ukraine. As a teenager, he became involved in underground activities and was soon arrested, jailed and exiled to Siberia where he joined the Social Democratic Party. He escaped from exile in Siberia by using the name of show more a jailer called Trotsky on a false passport. During World War I, he lived in Switzerland, France, England, and New York City, where he edited the newspaper Novy Mir (New World). In 1917, after the overthrow of Tsar Nicholas II, he went back to Russia and joined Vladimir Lenin in the first, abortive, July Revolution of the Bolsheviks. A key organizer of the successful October Revolution, he was People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs in the Lenin regime. He was then made war commissar and in this capacity, built up the Red Army which prevailed against the White Russian forces in the civil war. Antagonism developed between him and Joseph Stalin during the Civil War of 1918-1920. When Lenin fell ill and died, Stalin became the new leader and Trotsky was thrown out of the party in 1927. Trotsky fled across Siberia to Norway, France, and finally settled in Mexico in 1936. He began working on the biography of Stalin. He was able to complete 7 of the 12 chapters before an assassin, acting on Stalin's orders, stabbed Trotsky with an ice pick. He died on August 21, 1940. The construction of the remaining five chapters was accomplished by the translator Charles Malamuth, from notes, worksheets, and fragments. (Bowker Author Biography) show less
Image credit: George Grantham Bain Collection, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, Reproduction Number: LC-DIG-ggbain-35130

Series

Works by Leon Trotsky

History of the Russian Revolution (1930) 1,072 copies, 12 reviews
The Revolution Betrayed (1936) 564 copies, 4 reviews
My Life (1930) 465 copies, 10 reviews
Fascism: What It Is and How to Fight It (1969) 348 copies, 3 reviews
Terrorism and Communism (1920) 287 copies, 2 reviews
Literature and Revolution (1960) 269 copies, 4 reviews
The Permanent Revolution (1929) — Author — 196 copies, 2 reviews
Stalin (1941) 166 copies, 3 reviews
1905 (1922) 145 copies
Their Morals and Ours (1968) 135 copies, 1 review
In Defence of Marxism (1973) 124 copies, 1 review
Lenin (1971) 110 copies, 2 reviews
The Spanish Revolution (1931-39) (1973) 87 copies, 1 review
The Third International after Lenin (1970) 81 copies, 1 review
The Young Lenin (1972) 77 copies, 1 review
Leon Trotsky on France (1967) 73 copies
Lessons of October (1971) 71 copies, 1 review
Women and the Family (1973) 51 copies
Military Writings (1969) 44 copies, 1 review
Marxism and Terrorism (1995) 41 copies, 2 reviews
On the Jewish Question (1970) 30 copies
Leon Trotsky on China (1976) 28 copies
The Essential Trotsky (2014) 27 copies
Whither England? (1978) 25 copies
I crimini di Stalin (1990) 23 copies
Leon Trotsky Speaks (1972) 23 copies
On the Trade Unions (1975) 22 copies
Leon Trotsky on Britain (1973) 19 copies, 1 review
Stalin Vol. 1 : Rise of a Revolutionary (1971) — Author — 18 copies
Stalin Vol. 2 : The Revolutionary in Power (1971) — Author — 18 copies
Our Political Tasks (1979) 10 copies
Mis peripecias en España (2007) 8 copies, 3 reviews
The intelligentsia and Socialism (1974) 8 copies, 1 review
Political profiles (1972) 7 copies
Stalin's Gangsters (1977) 6 copies
Cours nouveau (1923) (1972) 6 copies
Scritti 1929-1936 5 copies, 1 review
Results and Prospects (2019) 5 copies
Karl Marx (2002) 5 copies
Diary in exile, 1935 (1963) 4 copies
Bilan et perspectives (1974) 4 copies
In the middle of the road (1981) 4 copies
Die Balkankriege 1912-13. (1996) 3 copies
I stake my life 3 copies
Em defesa do marxismo (2011) 3 copies
A Revolução de Outubro (2007) 3 copies
The Only Road for Germany (1933) 3 copies
Escritos Latinoamericanos (2013) 3 copies
The Young Lenin 2 copies
Lenin 2 copies
La Revolution Trahie (1963) 2 copies
Kampen mot Hitler (1983) 2 copies
Februarrevolution (1982) 2 copies
Correspondance 1933-1938 (1980) — Author — 2 copies
Stalin, 2 vols. 2 copies
Oeuvres (1978) 2 copies
The Only Road 2 copies
The Only Road (1933) 2 copies
Kampen mot Stalin - 1923 (1982) 2 copies
Övergångsprogrammet (1977) 2 copies
Textes (1984) 2 copies
El fascismo 2 copies
SOBRE ARTE Y CULTURA. (1971) 2 copies
Kirov Assassination (1935) 2 copies
Revolutionen forrådt (2021) 2 copies
Marxism in our time (1994) 2 copies
GERMANY 1931-1932 (1970) 2 copies
O Novo Curso (2023) 2 copies
Yo Acuso 1 copy
My Life, book 1 of 2 (2000) 1 copy
My Life, book 2 of 2 (2001) 1 copy
Carlo Marx 1 copy
Jean Jaurès 1 copy
Europa im Krieg (1996) 1 copy
LÉNINE 1 copy, 1 review
LIÇOES DE OUTUBRO (1900) 1 copy
Můj život (2010) 1 copy
Můj život 1 copy
Trockij 1905 1 copy
Minha vida 1 copy
Scritti sull'Italia (1990) 1 copy
La vita è bella (2015) 1 copy
Moja zhizn (2021) 1 copy
Octubre 1 copy
Viata mea: autobiografie 1 copy, 1 review
Salin 1 copy
Politische Profile (2020) 1 copy
Nuovo corso 1 copy
Obras escogidas (1976) 1 copy
Perfiles políticos (1981) 1 copy
Marx : Pages choisies (2019) 1 copy
Whither Europe? (1950) 1 copy
Oeuvres 9 1 copy
En España (1975) 1 copy
Writings on Britain (2023) 1 copy
Mein Leben 1 copy

Associated Works

The Communist Manifesto (1848) — Introduction, some editions — 18,013 copies, 163 reviews
The Iron Heel (1907) — Introduction, some editions — 1,748 copies, 43 reviews
Theories of Modern Art: A Source Book by Artists and Critics (1968) — Contributor — 854 copies, 6 reviews
Critical Theory Since Plato (1971) — Contributor, some editions — 435 copies, 1 review
An American Album: One Hundred and Fifty Years of Harper's Magazine (2000) — Contributor — 146 copies, 1 review
Rosa Luxemburg Speaks (1970) — Contributor — 137 copies
The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution (1951) — Introduction, some editions — 98 copies, 1 review
The Penguin Book of Twentieth-Century Protest (1998) — Contributor — 37 copies

Tagged

Common Knowledge

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Reviews

76 reviews
‘You know, with Kautsky, the more I learn about that guy, the more I don’t care for him’ - Norm MacDonald

I’m going to attempt the possible and defend Trotsky in the face of a seemingly insuperable wave of MLM sycophants; an admittedly difficult task to be sure.

Fine, Mao supersedes Trotsky in his understanding of the peasantry, Trotsky is a tad too abstract and not as concrete as the venerable Chairman, he overestimated the upper crust of the working class yadda yadda. But here we show more have a cutthroat and effective evaluation of lived Soviet reality. Surely someone can’t read this and come away detesting the man? The militarisation of labour goes a hell of a long way in deflating the aspirations of some of the most enervating so-called ‘Marxists’ of my generation who see themselves becoming poets as soon as the class struggle has progressed somewhat, even the notion of egalitarianism (contra the utopian notion of egalitarianism, where the necessity of momentarily maintaining wages, rewarding impressive labour etc. is construed as some immoral sin) is dispelled, a notion all too often misunderstood. As well as this, Trotsky demonstrates the necessity of the State in a way I have found unmatched by other Marxist writers within the tradition — I know it’s a cliche at this point but I do really think that anarchists dwell in some idealistic stupor.

That being said.... do any of these writings carry any weight anymore? Must we solely speak in the language handed down to us by neoliberalism? As I grow older I feel like this is most likely the case. However, this work does stand as a Romantic, passionate haranguing by a man gripped by the most intense and critical conditions imaginable, and he was truly fighting for something novel and in my eyes very important. Perhaps all of these writings surrounding the Internationals are beyond antiquarian at this point of time, but maybe there is something to be salvaged within these silverfish-addled tomes that could cut through the current miasma of our lost futures. Something concerning a steel will, an organised strength, something that may not be a cure-all but will alleviate some ails, some pretty bloody big ones at that.

Even if all of this discourse amounts to nil at least when you’ve read this you’ll no longer need to stare at a closeted liberal with a glazed over expression while swallowing their tepid notions of revolution. Trotsky’s notion of Revolution and violence may belong to a bygone era, but let us not allow these snivelling knaves to diminish and denigrate what once was. Oh and just to mention, no other Marxist has been this unabashedly sincere and open on the sheer horror and terror that civil war, class struggle and the road to socialism involve: Trotsky gives it to you like a pear cider made out of 100% pears.
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A bit like Marx, Trotsky is ace at reading the situation, but pants at predicting the future.

His reading of the UK Labour Party is astoundingly accurate. His hope for the British Communist Party a trifle less on the button.

Considering that this book is now almost 100 years old, it is astonishing to read so much which is still relevant.
Tackling this marvellous but massive book is a challenge – but it is also very rewarding.

Marxism is often accused of being “deterministic”, that is, of focusing on historical forces and classes and of ignoring individuals. But this is an unfair criticism. After all, Marx himself said that it is people who make history, “but they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves...”

This dialectic of the interaction between objective circumstances and subjective human action is show more at the core of this book.

So in Chapter One we have Trotsky applying the law of uneven and combined development to Russia’s history; and throughout the book Trotsky shows how class forces underlie political activities and attitudes.

But we also see the crucial importance of the actions of individuals. One example of this is the vital role played by Lenin (and by Trotsky himself, of course). Another example is the Cossack, sent to suppress a demonstration, who winked at one of the workers, thus showing that the Cossacks would not violently put down the revolutionary workers.

Trotsky was in exile when he wrote this book. He had gone from being one of the key leaders of the revolution in 1917 to being a fierce critic of Stalin’s bureaucratic tyranny, arguing for a new revolution by Russia’s workers to overthrow Stalin’s dictatorship.

Unfortunately, Trotsky clung to the view that Russia under Stalin was a “degenerated workers’ state”. In fact I find much more convincing the theory that was first fully developed by Tony Cliff: that Stalinist Russia was a bureaucratic state capitalist society, as were the other so-called “communist” regimes that appeared later.

But despite this weakness, Trotsky did keep alive the fundamental Marxist idea that socialism must be based on internationalism and workers’ democracy. (The “dictatorship of the proletariat” was meant to mean the DEMOCRATIC control of society by the working class, not a small group ruling OVER the working class.)

Lenin and Trotsky saw the soviets (democratic workers’ councils) as being the form that working class rule would take, and in this book Trotsky gives us a wonderful description of the relationship between individuals, the Bolshevik Party, the soviets, and the masses.
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A brilliant work exposing the myth of equality and justice through parliamentary democracy, asserting that the only means to equality and justice is socialism. The path to socialism requires revolution, and a socialist revolution will face the violent resistance of the capitalists, which must be met with greater force in order to suppress it.

Zizek makes an astute observation that modern social-democrats, even those who called themselves Trotskyists like Ernest Mandel, dislike Terrorism and show more Communism because it asserts the need for revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and those who seek to restore its power.

Trotsky provides a historical explanation of the rise of the idea of "democracy," and how it is, like religion, a myth that gives the oppressed the illusion of equality with the oppressor:

The doctrine of formal democracy is not scientific Socialism, but the theory of so-called natural law. The essence of the latter consists in the recognition of eternal and unchanging standards of law, which among different peoples and at different periods find a different, more or less limited and distorted expression. The natural law of the latest history – i.e., as it emerged from the Middle Ages – included first of all a protest against class privileges, the abuse of despotic legislation, and the other “artificial” products of feudal positive law. The theoreticians of the, as yet, weak Third Estate expressed its class interests in a few ideal standards, which later on developed into the teaching of democracy, acquiring at the same time an individualist character. The individual is absolute; all persons have the right of expressing their thoughts in speech and print; every man must enjoy equal electoral rights. As a battle cry against feudalism, the demand for democracy had a progressive character. As time went on, however, the metaphysics of natural law (the theory of formal democracy) began to show its reactionary side – the establishment of an ideal standard to control the real demands of the laboring masses and the revolutionary parties.

If we look back to the historical sequence of world concepts, the theory of natural law will prove to be a paraphrase of Christian spiritualism freed from its crude mysticism. The Gospels proclaimed to the slave that he had just the same soul as the slave-owner, and in this way established the equality of all men before the heavenly tribunal. In reality, the slave remained a slave, and obedience became for him a religious duty. In the teaching of Christianity, the slave found an expression for his own ignorant protest against his degraded condition. Side by side with the protest was also the consolation. Christianity told him:– “You have an immortal soul, although you resemble a pack-horse.” Here sounded the note of indignation. But the same Christianity said:– “Although you are like a pack-horse, yet your immortal soul has in store for it an eternal reward.” Here is the voice of consolation. These two notes were found in historical Christianity in different proportions at different periods and amongst different classes. But as a whole, Christianity, like all other religions, became a method of deadening the consciousness of the oppressed masses.

Natural law, which developed into the theory of democracy, said to the worker: “all men are equal before the law, independently of their origin, their property, and their position; every man has an equal right in determining the fate of the people.” This ideal criterion revolutionized the consciousness of the masses in so far as it was a condemnation of absolutism, aristocratic privileges, and the property qualification. But the longer it went on, the more if sent the consciousness to sleep, legalizing poverty, slavery and degradation: for how could one revolt against slavery when every man has an equal right in determining the fate of the nation?

Rothschild, who has coined the blood and tears of the world into the gold napoleons of his income, has one vote at the parliamentary elections. The ignorant tiller of the soil who cannot sign his name, sleeps all his life without taking his clothes off, and wanders through society like an underground mole, plays his part, however, as a trustee of the nation’s sovereignty, and is equal to Rothschild in the courts and at the elections. In the real conditions of life, in the economic process, in social relations, in their way of life, people became more and more unequal; dazzling luxury was accumulated at one pole, poverty and hopelessness at the other. But in the sphere of the legal edifice of the State, these glaring contradictions disappeared, and there penetrated thither only unsubstantial legal shadows. The landlord, the laborer, the capitalist, the proletarian, the minister, the bootblack – all are equal as “citizens” and as “legislators.” The mystic equality of Christianity has taken one step down from the heavens in the shape of the “natural,” “legal” equality of democracy. But it has not yet reached earth, where lie the economic foundations of society. For the ignorant day-laborer, who all his life remains a beast of burden in the service of the bourgeoisie, the ideal right to influence the fate of the nations by means of the parliamentary elections remained little more real than the palace which he was promised in the kingdom of heaven.


[b:Terrorism and Communism: A Reply to Karl Kautsky|1769648|Terrorism and Communism A Reply to Karl Kautsky|Leon Trotsky|https://i.gr-assets.com/images/S/compressed.photo.goodreads.com/books/1373997053l/1769648._SY75_.jpg|1767785]
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Rating
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ISBNs
756
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Favorited
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