Mary Kaldor
Author of New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era
About the Author
Mary Kaldor is Professor of Global Governance and Director of the Civil Society and Human Security Research Unit at the London School of Economics and Political Science
Image credit: Kaldor in 2000.
Works by Mary Kaldor
The Ultimate Weapon is No Weapon: Human Security and the New Rules of War and Peace (2010) — Author — 29 copies
El poder y la fuerza. La seguridad de la poblacion civil en un mundo global EL (Spanish Edition) (2010) 5 copies
Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Global Civil Society Yearbook) (2012) 5 copies
Tagged
Common Knowledge
- Birthdate
- 1946-03-16
- Gender
- female
- Organizations
- London School of Economics
- Nationality
- UK
- Associated Place (for map)
- UK
Members
Reviews
Kaldor describes the phenomenon of what she calls "new wars," perhaps best explained via contrast to old wars. An old war is the war we imagine when we think of the eighteenth through twentieth centuries, the Napoleonic Wars and World War II, "war involving states in which battle is the decisive encounter" (vi). Old war is fought by states, with a goal of conquest through military encounter.
By contrast, new war has different goals and different means. It is fought by a mix of state and show more non-state actors: regular armed forces, criminal groups, and paramilitary organizations. Its goals are population control and its ideologies are identity politics: a revolutionary wants to build a new society, but new wars are about labels, so the main goal is to purge undesirable labels. Mass relocation of civilians and ethnic cleansing becomes a goal, not a by-product. In some ways they're more rational than old wars-- many of their tactics are war crimes, but these new actors are unfettered by that: "These wars are rational in the sense that they apply rational thinking to the aims of war and refuse normative constraints" (106). New war is more like a social condition than old war, and thus new war breeds new war, like an infection, as areas collapse, they set up conditions that cause adjacent areas to collapse. New war is also globalized: modern communications technology means that a war in one country can be supported by a financial infrastructure stretching over the whole world.
Kaldor primarily explains the concept via the Bosnian War (1992-95), where she was an observer, and the contemporary wars in Afghanistan (2001-14) and Iraq (2003-11), but as you read, you can easily see how the wars of the Islamic State (which came to prominence two years after this edition was published) are an example of the phenomenon she describes in almost perfect detail. There are times the book gets into a level of detail that's more than is desired by the non-political scientist, I suspect, but I found it a compelling and useful thesis, making clear something I had not exactly seen before. I had hoped for some connections with my own (literary) interests in political violence, and I don't think there was much of that here, but it was still a worthwhile read for understanding the modern political landscape. show less
By contrast, new war has different goals and different means. It is fought by a mix of state and show more non-state actors: regular armed forces, criminal groups, and paramilitary organizations. Its goals are population control and its ideologies are identity politics: a revolutionary wants to build a new society, but new wars are about labels, so the main goal is to purge undesirable labels. Mass relocation of civilians and ethnic cleansing becomes a goal, not a by-product. In some ways they're more rational than old wars-- many of their tactics are war crimes, but these new actors are unfettered by that: "These wars are rational in the sense that they apply rational thinking to the aims of war and refuse normative constraints" (106). New war is more like a social condition than old war, and thus new war breeds new war, like an infection, as areas collapse, they set up conditions that cause adjacent areas to collapse. New war is also globalized: modern communications technology means that a war in one country can be supported by a financial infrastructure stretching over the whole world.
Kaldor primarily explains the concept via the Bosnian War (1992-95), where she was an observer, and the contemporary wars in Afghanistan (2001-14) and Iraq (2003-11), but as you read, you can easily see how the wars of the Islamic State (which came to prominence two years after this edition was published) are an example of the phenomenon she describes in almost perfect detail. There are times the book gets into a level of detail that's more than is desired by the non-political scientist, I suspect, but I found it a compelling and useful thesis, making clear something I had not exactly seen before. I had hoped for some connections with my own (literary) interests in political violence, and I don't think there was much of that here, but it was still a worthwhile read for understanding the modern political landscape. show less
An interesting look at a potential dimension of conflict, though it rarely manages to make a direct link, especially considering that many experts consider the 'big' oil war - Iraq - not to be based on oil concerns at all. But an important book to consider for those studying in the field of conflict studies.
Kaldor is a morally degenerate hypocrite. She promoted the Humanitarian Intervention war on Yugoslavia and now in this book she pretends she did not.
Now Russia is using the Yugoslavia precedent to claim its war on Ukraine is Humanitarian Intervention war. Kaldor is partly to blame.
Now Russia is using the Yugoslavia precedent to claim its war on Ukraine is Humanitarian Intervention war. Kaldor is partly to blame.
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Statistics
- Works
- 30
- Members
- 393
- Popularity
- #61,673
- Rating
- 3.7
- Reviews
- 3
- ISBNs
- 96
- Languages
- 6















